14 Israel Evans, A Discourse, Delivered, on the 18th Day of December, 1777, the Day of Public Thanksgiving, Appointed by the Honourable Continental Congress, by the Reverend Israel Evans, A. M. Chaplain to General Poor’s Brigade. And now published at the Request of the General and Officers of the said Brigade, To be distributed among the Soldiers, Gratis. Lancaster: Printed by Francis Bailey, 1778.
15 WGW, vol. 5, 7-9-1776.
16 Cf. WGW, vol. 26, 3-18-1783. To the President of Congress. “Sir: The result of the proceedings of the grand Convention of the Officers, which I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flatter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of Patriotism which could have been given by Men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot Army; and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the gratitude of their Country. [WGW Note: Ford prints from a letter from Maj. J. A. Wright to Maj. John Webb, from West Point, Mar. 16, 1783, the following: “Yesterday there was a meeting of the officers. The Commander in Chief came among us, and made a most excellent address; he appeared sensibly agitated; as the writer advises to ‘suspect the man who should advise to more moderation and longer forbearance,’ this expression, together with a second anonymous letter, which I have not seen, gave reason to suppose that it was a plan laid against his Excellency, as every one who knows him must be sensible that he would recommend moderation. The general having finished his address, retired. Gen’l Gates took the chair; the business of the day was conducted with order, moderation, and decency.”]
“Having seen the proceedings on the part of the Army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so patiently and so chearfully suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having from motives of justice, duty and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your Excellency earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress upon the subjects of the late Address from the Army to that Honble. Body, it now only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as I now do, that the Sovereign Power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence the Army have reposed in the justice of their Country.
“And here, I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary, (while I am pleading the cause of an Army which have done and suffered more than any other Army ever did in the defence of the rights and liberties of human nature,) to expatiate on their Claims to the most ample compensation for their meritorious Services, because they are perfectly known to the whole World, and because, (altho’ the topics are inexhaustible) enough has already been said on the subject.”
17 Ibid., vol.11, 5-2-1778.
18 In Federer, America’s God and Country, pp. 459-60.
19 Ibid., p. 460: “John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg (1746-1807), a member of the Virginia House of Burgesses in 1774, was a 30 year-old pastor who preached on the Christian’s responsibility to be involved in securing freedom for America. He was the son of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, one of the founders of the Lutheran Church in America. In 1775, after preaching a message on Ecclesiastes 3:1, ‘For everything there is a season, and a time for every matter under heaven,’ John Peter Muhlenberg closed his message by saying: ‘In the language of the Holy Writ, there is a time for all things. There is a time to preach and a time to fight. And now is the time to fight.’ He then threw off his clerical robes to reveal the uniform of an officer in the Revolutionary Army. That afternoon, at the head of 300 men, John Peter Muhlenberg marched off to join General Washington’s troops and became Colonel of the 8th Virginia Regiment. He served until the end of the war, during which he was promoted to the rank of Major General. In 1785 he became the Vice-President of Pennsylvania, and in 1790 was a member of the Pennsylvania constitutional Convention. He then served as a U.S. Congressman from Pennsylvania, and in 1801 he was elected to the United States Senate. In 1889, the State of Pennsylvania placed his statue in the Statuary Hall at Washington.”
His younger brother, Frederick Augustus Conrad Muhlenberg (1750-1801), was also a Lutheran clergyman. He at first criticized his brother’s support for the Revolution. But when the British invaded New York where he was pastoring, he was forced to leave and returned to his father’s house in Trappe. Eventually Frederick Augustus entered politics as well. He served as the first Speaker of the United States House of Representatives in 1789. In that capacity, along with Vice-President John Adams, who was thus also President of the Senate, signed the Bill of Rights when it was sent to the states for ratification.
20 WGW, vol. 33 7-24-1793, to the overseers at Mt. Vernon, “You will recollect that your time is paid for by me, and if I am deprived of it, it is worse even than robbing my purse, because it is also a breach of trust, which every honest man ought to hold most sacred. You have found me, and you will continue to find me faithful to my part of the agreement which was made with you, whilst you are attentive to your part; but it is to be remembered, that a breach on one side releases the obligation on the other; if, therefore it shall be proved to me that you are absenting yourself from either the Farm or the people without just cause, I shall hold myself no more bound to pay the wages, than you do to attend strictly to the charge which is entrusted to you, by one who has every disposition to be, Your friend”
21 Ibid., vol. 12, 8-3-1778, *To JOHN PARKE CUSTIS, “I presume you are not unacquainted with the fact of £ 12,000 at compound Interest amounting to upwards of £ 48,000 in twenty four Years. Reason therefore must convince you that unless you avert the evil by a deposit of the like Sum in the loan Office, and there hold it sacred to the purpose of accumulating Interest in the proportion you pay, that you will have abundant cause to repent it. No Virginia Estate (except a very few under the best of management) can stand simple Interest how then can they bear compound Interest. You may be led away with Ideal profits; you may figure great matters to yourself to arise from this, that, or t’other Scheme, but depend upon it they will only exist in the imagination, and that year after year will produce nothing but disappointment and new hopes; these will waste time, whilst your Interest is accumg. and the period approaching when you will be called upon to be prepared perhaps to advance 4 times the original purchase money. Remember therefore, that as a friend, I call upon you with my advice to shun this rock by depositing the Sum you are to pay Alexander, in the loan Office; let it be considered as Alexanders money, and Sacred to that use and that only, for if you shd. be of opinion that pay day being a great way off will give you time enough to provide for it and consequently to apply your present Cash to other uses it does not require the gift of prophecy to predict the Sale of the purchased Estate or some other to pay for it.”
22 Ibid., vol. 15, 5-10-1779. To COLONEL DANIEL BRODHEAD, “[I cannot conclude without recommending the strictest oeconomy in all your conduct and operations; you may be assured it is become indispensably necessary, and that you cannot pursue more effectual means of recommending yourself to public favor and thanks than by an attention to its interests,] at this period of its affairs. [I earnestly recommend that the Batteaux and other vessels, which are built for public use be held in a manner sacred otherwise they will get squandered and when the period arrives that they will be wanted none will be found.]”
23 Ibid., vol. 8, 6-10-1777., GENERAL ORDERS “It is with inexpressible regret the Commander in Chief has been driven to the necessity of doing a severe, but necessary act of Justice, as an example of what is to be expected by those daring offenders, who, lost to all sense of duty, and the obligations they owe to their Country, and to mankind, wantonly violate the most sacred engagements, and fly to the assistance of an enemy, they are bound by every tie to oppose. A spirit of desertion is alone the most fatal disease that can attend an army, and the basest principle that can actuate a soldier; Wherever it shews itself, it deserves detestation, and calls for the most exemplary punishment. What confidence can a General have in any Soldier, who he has reason to apprehend may desert in the most interesting moments? What, but the want of every moral and manly sentiment, can induce him to desert the cause, to which he has pledged his faith, even with the solemnity of an oath, and which he is bound to support, by every motive of justice and good will to himself, and his fellow creatures? When such a character appears, it may almost be said in reference to it, that forbearance is folly; and mercy degenerates into cruelty.”
24 Ibid., vol. 7, 2-28-1777, To MAJOR GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM Head Quarters, Morris Town, February 28, 1777, “Dear Sir: Your several favours of the 25th and 26th. Instt. came safe to hand. The pass granted by Lord and Genl. Howe to William Taylor, dated the 18th, is of such a nature, as not to afford any protection to the Vessel and Crew, even on the most scrupulous construction of the Law of Nations, and She came in so suspicious a manner, without a flag flying, as would have justified severer treatment than mere detention. But ‘tis possible, that Taylor and the master of the Vessel, not sufficiently informed of the practice necessarily observable in bearing Flags, or Strangers to the instances, in which Protection can with propriety be granted by an Enemy, came with no ill design; I would therefore have the Vessel and hands released, being desirous to remove from our Army every, the smallest, Imputation of an Infringement on the sacred dignity of a Flag. Indeed I would pass over unnoticed, any small deviation from the usual Line in these cases, if not attended with danger to us. They are to consider this early discharge as an Indulgence, which they, or any other person, must not expect a Repetition of. It may not be improper to send Colo. Foreman a Copy of this part of my answer, that Taylor may know my sentiments, and the Reasons that induce me to discharge his Vessel. When the English Letters, that were found on board, come to you, please to send them to me, if of any Consequence.”
Ibid., vol. 11, 3-22-1778, To SIR WILLIAM HOWE, “The conduct of Lieutenant Col. Brooks in detaining John Miller, requires neither palliation nor excuse. I justify and approve it. There is nothing so sacred in the Character of the King’s Trumpeter, even when sanctified by a flag, as to alter the nature of things, or consecrate infidelity and Guilt. He was a Deserter from the Army under my Command; and, whatever you have been pleased to assert to the Contrary, it is the Practice of War and Nations, to seize and punish Deserters Wherever they may be found. His appearing in the character he did, was an aggravation of his Offence, in as much as it added insolence to perfidy. My scrupulous regard to the priviledges of flags, and a desire to avoid every thing, that partiality itself might affect to consider as a violation of them, induced me to send orders for the release of the Trumpeter, before the receipt of your Letter; the improper and peremptory Terms of which, had it not been too late, would have strongly operated to produce a less compromising conduct; I intended at the time to assure you, and I wish it to be remembered, that my indulgence in this instance, is not to be drawn into precedent, and that, should any deserters from the American Army, hereafter have the daring folly to approach our Lines in a similar manner, they will fall victims to their rashness and presumption.”
25 Ibid., vol. 10, 1-29-1778, To THE COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS, “In speaking of rank, as a spur to enterprise, I am led, by the way to hint an idea, which may be improved and turned to no small advantage. This is the institution of honorary rewards, differing in degree, to be conferred on those, who signalize themselves, by any meritorious actions, in proportion to the magnitude and brilliancy of the achievement. These should be sacred to the purpose of their institution, and unattainable by loose recommendations, or vague, though arrogating pretension; given only upon authentic vouchers of real desert, from some proper board. Congress have already adopted the idea, in particular instances; but it were to be wished, it could be extended to something more general and systematic. I have not sufficiently employed my thoughts upon the subject, to digest them into a proposition, as to the nature variety and extent of these rewards; but I would in general observe, that they may consist in things of very little cost, or real value, and that the more diversified they are, the better. If judiciously and impartially administered, they would be well calculated to kindle that emulous love of glory and distinction, to which may be imputed far the greater part of the most illustrious exploits performed among mankind, and which is peculiarly necessary to be cherished and cultivated in a military life.”
26 Ibid., vol. 34 10-20-1794, To GOVERNOR HENRY LEE, “There is but one point on which I think it proper to add a special recommendation. It is this, that every officer and soldier will constantly bear in mind that he comes to support the laws and that it would be peculiarly unbecoming in him to be in any way the infractor of them; that the essential principles of a free government confine the provinces of the Military to these two objects: 1st: to combat and subdue all who may be found in arms in opposition to the National will and authority; 2dly to aid and support the civil Magistrate in bringing offenders to justice. The dispensation of this justice belongs to the civil Magistrate and let it ever be our pride and our glory to leave the sacred deposit there unviolated. Convey to my fellow citizens in arms my warm acknowledgments for the readiness with which they have seconded me in the most delicate and momentous duty the chief Magistrate of a free people can have to perform and add my affectionate wishes for their health comfort and success. Could my further presence with them have been necessary or compatible with my civil duties at a period when the approaching commencement of a session of Congress particularly urges me to return to the seat of Government, it would not have been withheld. In leaving them I have the less regret, as I know I commit them to an able and faithful director; and that this director will be ably and faithfully seconded by all.”
27 Ibid., vol. 22, 5-5-1781, To BRIGADIER GENERAL JAMES CLINTON, “Alarmed at the critical situation of the Garrison of Fort Schuyler, I ordered out of the small pittance in our Magazines, 50 Barrels of Meat and the same quantity of flour, to be transported from this Army, and instantly thrown into that Garrison, but the Commissary reports there are but 34 Bbs of Meat in store. I have directed this number to be sent, and the residue of the 50 Barrels to be made up, from the Fish lately barreled on the River. This supply (the Fish included, or not, as you think proper) you will be pleased to consider as solely designed for the relief of the Garrison of Fort Schuyler, and sacredly to be appropriated to that and no other purpose whatever: For in our present embarrassed circumstances, when we know not from whence the supplies of tomorrow are to be derived, no inferior object could have justified the Measure of stripping this Army of its last Mouthful.”
Ibid., vol. 22, 7-11-1781, To COLONEL CHARLES STEWART, “Sir: It is his Excellency’s request that you will take immediate and effectual Measures, to have such a number of the Beef Cattle from the Eastern part of Connecticut and that part of Massachusetts contiguous to Rhode Island, furnished for the Militia Stationed at R Island, that they may not be under the necessity of consuming a single Barrel of salted Provision, if it can possibly be avoided. The Salted Provision to be repacked (if necessary) and kept sacredly as a reserve in the Magazine where it now is.”
28 Ibid., vol. 25, 9-25-1782. To COLONEL ELISHA SHELDON, “Sir: On friday next you will move from your Quarters (wherever they may be) with your whole Corps, at such time and manner, as to be at the White Plains positively between sunset and dark; your Men will require provisions for saturday and may be perfectly light. I send you the Paroles and Cr Signs untill the 29th inclusive, you will keep them sacredly to yourself, except when they are to be delivered to the Officers entitled to them, on the several days they are designed for.”
29 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-3-1783. To LIEUTENANT COLONEL WILLIAM STEPHENS SMITH, “It is much to be regretted, that while I am using every means in my power to comply with the orders of Congress, founded, in my judgment, on our true interest and policy, that there should be such a counteraction as we daily experience by individuals. But lamentable indeed is our situation when States, or the Administration of them, are leaping over those bounds which should ever be deemed the sacred barrier betwn. us and the Enemy, without which all opposition to their measures must soon cease. or dwindle into something, ridiculous enough.”
30 Ibid., vol. 26, 4-18-1783. To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS “This Act, at a comparative small Expence, would be deemed an honorable Testimonial from Congress of the Regard they bear to those distinguished Worthies, and the Sense they have of their suffering Virtues and Services, which have been so happily instrumental towards the security and Establishment of the Rights Liberties and Independence of this rising Empire. These constant companions of their Toils and Dangers, preserved with sacred Care, would be handed down from the present possessors, to their Children, as honorable Badges of Bravery and military Merit; and would probably be bro’t forth, on some future Occasion, with Pride and Exultation, to be improved, with the same military Ardor and Emulation, in the Hands of posterity, as they have been used by their forefathers in the present Establishment and foundation of our National Independence and Glory.”
31 Ibid., vol. 25 10-23-1782. To REVEREND WILLIAM GORDON “It appears to me impracticable for the best Historiographer living, to write a full and correct history of the present revolution who has not free access to the Archives of Congress, those of Individual States, the Papers of the Commander in Chief, and Commanding Officers of seperate departments. Mine, while the War continues, I consider as a species of Public property, sacred in my hands; and of little Service to any Historian who has not that general information which is only to be derived with exactitude from the sources I have mentioned. When Congress then shall open their registers, and say it is proper for the Servants of the public to do so, it will give me much pleasure to afford all the Aid to your labors and laudable undertaking which my Papers can give; ‘till one of those periods arrive I do not think myself justified in suffering an inspection of, and any extracts to be taken from my Records.”
32 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-18-1783, To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS, “To prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have ever been uniform, and to shew what my ideas of the rewards in question have always been, I appeal to the Archives of Congress, and call on those sacred deposits to witness for me.”
33 Ibid, vol. 1, 5-27-1754, JOURNAL May 27, 1754. “Besides, an Embassador has princely attendants, whereas this was only a simple petty French officer; an Embassador has no need of spies, his person being always sacred: and since their intention was so good, why did they tarry two days, five miles distance from us, without acquainting me with the summons, or at least, with something that related to the Embassy? That alone would be sufficient to excite the strongest suspicions, and we must to do them the justice to say, that as they wanted to hide themselves, they could not have picked out better places than they had done.”
34 Ibid., vol. 1, Address To His Command. “And though our utmost endeavors can contribute but little to the advancement of his Majesty’s honor and the interest of his governments, yet let us show our willing obedience to the best of kings, and, by a strict attachment to his royal commands, demonstrate the love and loyalty we bear to his sacred person; let us, by rules of unerring bravery, strive to merit his royal favor, and a better establishment as reward for our services.”
35 Ibid., vol. 19, 8-11-1780, To BRIGADIER GENERALS ANTHONY WAYNE AND WILLIAM IRVINE, “Citizens and good men to realize the consequences and to assure themselves they act upon substantial grounds before they venture to execute what they have intimated. They ought to recollect that they cannot hereafter be happy, if they find their conduct condemned by the country and by the army, especially if it has been the cause of any misfortune. They should remember that we have actually entered upon the operations of the campaign; that we are now in the vicinity of the enemy and in a position that makes an action not very improbable perhaps not very remote [if my intelligence true.] When they duly weigh these things they cannot but be sensible that the love of their country; the obligations of their respective stations; what they owe to their own characters and to that discipline which ought to be sacred among military men; all these motives call upon them to relinquish the intention they have suggested. It is true, we have not many considerations of interest to attach us to the service; but we have those of honor and public good [in a high degree] and I flatter myself these ties will not prove too feeble.”
Ibid., vol. 23, 10-31-1781, GENERAL ORDERS, “The General cannot forbear adding that Accusations of so serious a nature should be made with the most scrupulous caution; an Officer’s Character being too sacred to be impeached with Levity without a sufficient foundation.”
36 Ibid., vol. 26, 3-5-1783, To THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY “And let me conjure you, in the name of our common Country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the Military and National character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the Man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our Country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood Gates of Civil discord, and deluge our rising Empire in Blood. By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes. You will defeat the insidious designs of our Enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret Artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; And you will, by the dignity of your Conduct, afford occasion for Posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to Mankind, “had this day been wanting, the World had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.”
37 Ibid., vol. 5, 7-15-1776, To THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS New York, July 15, 1776. “The Inhuman Treatment to the whole, and Murder of part of our People after their Surrender and Capitulation, was certainly a flagrant violation of that Faith which ought to be held sacred by all civilized nations, and founded in the most Savage barbarity. It highly deserved the severest reprobation, and I trust the Spirited Measures Congress have adopted upon the Occasion, will prevent the like in future: But if they should not, and the claims of humanity are disregarded, Justice and Policy will require recourse to be had to the Law of retaliation, however abhorrent and disagreeable to our natures in cases of Torture and Capital Punishments”.
38 Ibid., vol. 3, 4-5-1775, To GEORGE MERCER “I enclose you a copy of my last letter of the 4th. of December, and an account of the proceedings of the Convention held at Richmond the 20th. ulto. A great number of very good companies were raised in many Counties in this Colony, before it was recommended to them by the Convention, and are now in excellent training; the people being resolved, altho’ they wish for nothing, more ardently, than a happy and lasting reconciliation with the parent State, not to purchase it at the expence of their liberty, and the sacred compacts of Government.”
Ibid, vol. 34, 1-22-1795, To EDMUND PENDLETON “My communications to Congress at the last and present Session, have proceeded upon similar ideas with those expressed in your letter, namely, to make fair treaties with the Savage tribes, (by this I mean, that they shall perfectly understand every article and clause of them, from correct and repeated interpretations); that these treaties shall be held sacred, and the infractors on either side punished exemplarily; and to furnish them plentifully with goods under wholesome regulations, without aiming at higher prices than is adequate to cover the cost, and charges. If measures like these were adopted, we might hope to live in peace and amity with these borderers; but not whilst our citizens, in violation of law and justice, are guilty of the offences I have mentioned, and are carrying on unauthorised expeditions against them; and when, for the most attrocious murders, even of those of whom we have the least cause of complaint, a Jury on the frontiers, can hardly be got to listen to a charge, much less to convict a culprit.”
39 Ibid., vol. 4, ANSWER TO AN ADDRESS FROM THE MASSACHUSETTS LEGISLATURE. “When the councils of the British nation had formed a plan for enslaving America, and depriving her sons of their most sacred and invaluable privileges, against the clearest remonstrances of the constitution, of justice, and of truth, and, to execute their schemes, had appealed to the sword, I esteemed it my duty to take a part in the contest, and more especially on account of my being called thereto by the unsolicited suffrages of the representatives of a free people; wishing for no other reward, than that arising from a conscientious discharge of the important trust, and that my services might contribute to the establishment of freedom and peace, upon a permanent foundation, and merit the applause of my countrymen, and every virtuous citizen.”
40 Ibid., vol. 34, 12-8-1795, SEVENTH ANNUAL ADDRESS, “It is a valuable ingredient in the general estimate of our welfare, that the part of our country, which was lately the scene of disorder and insurrections, now enjoys the blessings of quiet and order. The misled have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our Constitution and laws which is due from good citizens, to the public authorities of the society. These circumstances, have induced me to pardon, generally, the offenders here referred to; and to extend forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to capital punishment. For though I shall always think it a sacred duty, to exercise with firmness and energy, the Constitutional powers with which I am vested, yet it appears to me no less consistent with the public good, than it is with my personal feelings, to mingle in the operations of government, every degree of moderation and tenderness, which the national justice, dignity and safety may permit.”
Ibid. vol. 35, 5-5-1769 To JOSEPH LEECH, “A sacred regard to the constitution, and to the best interests of the United States as involved in its preservation, having governed my conduct on that occasion, the consciousness thereof would at all times have furnished me with strong ground of satisfaction.”
41 Ibid., vol. 35, FAREWELL ADDRESS, 9-19-1796, “The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.”
42 This seems to fit both categories of Washington’s use of the word “sacred” so it is included here as well.
Ibid., vol. 8, 6-10-1777, GENERAL ORDERS, “It is with inexpressible regret the Commander in Chief has been driven to the necessity of doing a severe, but necessary act of Justice, as an example of what is to be expected by those daring offenders, who, lost to all sense of duty, and the obligations they owe to their Country, and to mankind, wantonly violate the most sacred engagements, and fly to the assistance of an enemy, they are bound by every tie to oppose.”
43 Ibid., vol. 2, 6-8-1768., To MRS. WILLIAM SAVAGE June 28, 1768. , “Madam: If the most solemn asseverations of a man are sufficient to give credit to his report. If the honor and veracity of a Gentleman are things sacred enough to extort the truth, we have all the reasons imaginable to conclude that Doctr. Savage is entirely ignorant of the part you act in respect to the bond given in Trust to Mr. Fairfax and myself for your use;”
44 Ibid., vol. 26, 6-8-1783, CIRCULAR TO THE STATES “There are four things, which I humbly conceive, are essential to the well being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States as an Independent Power: 1st. An indissoluble Union of the States under one Federal Head. 2dly. A Sacred regard to Public Justice.”
45 Ibid., vol. 15, 5-29-1779. To COLONEL CLEMENT BIDDLE, “It is my wish that every possible respect should be paid in all cases to the Laws of this and every other State and a sacred regard to the property of each Individual Member as far as it can be done; but if necessity will not admit of their strict observance it must justify a deviation and such infringements as she compells. However, to prevent as much as possible any just ground of complaint and the charge of a wanton exercise of power, you should use every practicable exertion to obtain forage in the Ordinary way and where this cannot be effected, wherever circumstances will permit, you should make written requisitions to the Magistrates for pasturage and Meadows and obtain them by their allotment. If they will not permit or the Mgistrates refuse to designate them, or to make a competent provision, the exigency of the Public service must decide the conduct you are to pursue. I have mentioned the precautions because (tho’ all regulations must yield to necessity) the principle should be introduced with caution, and practised upon with still more delicacy.”
Ibid., vol. 24, 7-11-1782, To GOVERNOR GEORGE CLINTON “To remedy these evils, I have taken the liberty to trouble you with this, and to entreat that your Excellency will have the goodness to use your assistance and influence in devising some efficacious mode for furnishing Forage, without imposing upon the Public, or injury to the owners; taking care at the same time, that the value of the property taken may be justly ascertained in such manner, as that the debt shall be equitably paid by the Public, without breaking in upon the present arrangements of the Financier, which ought to be supported and maintained inviolably sacred, as we regard the safety and preservation of our Country.”
46 Ibid., vol. 36, 7-13-1798, To THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, “Satisfied therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop, the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the People of these United States.
“Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person, of every description, to contribute at all times to his Country’s welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold clear and Sacred it so seriously threatned, I have finally determined to accept the Commission of Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States, with the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the Army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances.”
Ibid., vol. 36, 7-16-1798, To HENRY KNOX, “Viewing things in this light, I would fain hope, as we are forming an Army A New, which Army, if needful at all, is to fight for every thing that ought to be dear and sacred to freemen that former rank will be forgot; and among the fit and chosen characters, the only contention will be, who shall be foremost in zeal at this crisis, to serve his Country, in whatever situation circumstances may place him. Most of those, who are best qualified to oppose the enemy, will have sacrifices of ease, Interest, or Inclination to make; but what are these, when put in competition with the loss of our Independence or the Subjugation of our Government? both of which are evidently struck at, by an intoxicated, ambitious, and domineering Foe.”
Ibid., vol. 36, 7-25-1798, To DOCTOR JAMES ANDERSON, “When every thing Sacred, and dear to Freemen is thus threatned, I could not consistent with the principles which have actuated me through life, remain an idle spectator, and refuse to obey the call of my Country to lead its Armies for defence and therefore have pledged myself to come forward whensoever the exigency shall require it.”
47 Ibid., vol. 2, CATALOGUE OF BOOKS FOR MASTER CUSTIS REFERRED TO ON THE OTHERSIDE, VIZ. Blackwells Sacred Classics, 2 vols.
48 Ibid., vol. 26, 2-15-1783, GENERAL ORDERS, “The Commander in Chief also desires and expects the Chaplains in addition to their public functions will in turn constantly attend the Hospitals and visit the sick, and while they are thus publickly and privately engaged in performing the sacred duties of their office they may depend upon his utmost encouragement and support on all occasions, and that they will be considered in a very respectable point of light by the whole Army.”
49 Ibid., vol. 4, 3-6-1776, GENERAL ORDERS Head Quarters, Cambridge, March 6, 1776. , “Thursday the seventh Instant, being set apart by the Honourable the Legislature of this province, as a day of fasting, prayer, and humiliation, “to implore the Lord, and Giver of all victory, to pardon our manifold sins and wickedness’s, and that it would please him to bless the Continental Arms, with his divine favour and protection” — All Officers, and Soldiers, are strictly enjoined to pay all due reverance, and attention on that day, to the sacred duties due to the Lord of hosts, for his mercies already received, and for those blessings, which our Holiness and Uprightness of life can alone encourage us to hope through his mercy to obtain.”
50 WGW, vol. 27, 8-20-1783. To John Gabriel Tegelaar.
