65 Richard Rush, Washington in Domestic Life, From Original Letters and Manuscripts 1857 (Kessinger Publishing, 2004) p. 65.
66 WGW, vol. 1, 1749-1759. We will address the question of Washington’s alleged passionate interest in Mrs. Sally Fairfax in the Chapter dealing with “Objections to Washington’s Christianity.” See WGW, vol. 2, 9-12-1758. Washington allegedly wrote to Mrs. George William Fairfax, on September 12, 1758, expressing his emotions for her as he was facing another military mission. While Fitzpatrick was not sure it was authentic (see his note at this letter’s date), recent scholars have concluded that it is. (See Willard Sterne Randall, George Washington: A Life (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1997), p. 179. We will address George Washington’s letter to Sally Fairfax in the chapter on objections to Washington’s Christianity as well as the broader consideration of Washington’s sexual ethics.
67 Ibid., vol. 35, 11-28-1796.
68 In his will, Washington writes, “To my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend Doctr. Craik, I give my Bureau (or as the Cabinet makers call it, Tambour Secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my Study.”
On July 3, 1789, Washington wrote to James McHenry, “The habits of intimacy and friendship, in which I have long lived with Dr. Craik, and the opinion I have of his professional knowledge, would most certainly point him out as the man of my choice in all cases of sickness. … in justice to Dr. Bard, who has attended me during my late indisposition, declare, that neither skill nor attention has been wanting on his part, and, as I could not have the assistance of my good friend Dr. Craik, I think myself fortunate in having fallen into such good hands.”
69 Washington spoke of “our good friend Colo. Fairfax,” to Robert Carter Nicholas on November 7, 1780, and to the Countess of Huntingdon on February 27, 1785. On October 1, 1777, he had demonstrated his friendship to Bryan Fairfax when he gave him a passport to cross all military lines so he could get to New York and go to England because of his loyalist views. Washington never broke his friendship with Fairfax in spite of their different views. Gen. George Washington wrote out the following passport for his friend…” The bearer hereof Bryan Fairfax, Esqr. together with his son Mr. Thomas Fairfax and their baggage has permission to pass all guards on their way to New York and the Commanding Officer at any advanced post is requested to furnish a Flag and give any other assistance to effect this purpose. Given under my hand, etc.”
70 See WGW, vol. 15, 7-4-1779; WGW, vol. 18, 5-8-1780; WGW, vol. 28, 12-8-1784.
71 Ibid., vol. 29, 5-28-1788: “I embrace you, my dear Count, with all my heart.”
72 Ibid., vol. 24, 8-10-1782, “I look forward with pleasure, to the epocha which will place us as conveniently in one Camp, as we are congenial in our sentiments. I shall embrace you when it happens with the warmth of perfect friendship.” vol. 30, 11-27-1788: “with sincere wishes for the felicity of you and yours, I embrace you, my dear Marqs. and am now, as ever With Sentiments of esteem and Friendship.”
73 Ibid., vol. 27, 12-23-1783. Washington wrote to Baron Steuben from Annapolis finally on the way home to Mount Vernon on December 23, 1783, “I beg you will be convinced, My dear Sir, that I should rejoice if it could ever be in my power to serve you more essentially than by expressions of regard and affection; but in the meantime, I am perswaded you will not be displeased with this farewell token of my sincere friendship and esteem for you. This is the last Letter I shall ever write while I continue in the service of my Country; the hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve this day; after which I shall become a private Citizen on the Banks of the Potomack, where I shall be glad to embrace you, and to testify the great esteem and consideration…”
74 Ibid., vol. 23 9-20-1781. “I hope ere long to have the happiness to embrace you again with the like Cordiality and Sincere Affection, on the Reduction of Lord Cornwallis and his Army, an Event, which I am sure will convey the greatest Pleasure to each of us.”
75 Ibid., vol. 27, 1-14-1784. Washington wrote to David Humphreys on January 14, 1784, “Be assured that there are few things which would give me more pleasure than opportunities of evincing to you the sincerity of my friendship,…I shall hold in pleasing remembrance the friendship and intimacy which has subsisted between us, and shall neglect no opportunity on my part to cultivate and improve them.”
76 WGW, vol. 30, 10-3-1788.
77 WGW, vol. 29, 5-31-1787, Washington wrote to Henry Knox: “…assurances of the sincerest friendship…” Ibid., vol. 30, vol. 4-1-1789, “With best wishes for Mrs. Knox, and sincere friendship for yourself.” Ibid., vol. 36, 7-14-1798, In a “Private and confidential” letter to Alexander Hamilton, he wrote: “my friend General Knox, whom I love and esteem.” Ibid., vol. 36, 9-25-1798, to President John Adams, “With respect to General Knox, I can say with truth, there is no man in the United States with whom I have been in habits of greater intimacy; no one whom I have loved more sincerely, nor any for whom I have had a greater friendship.”
78 Ibid., vol. 37, 12-25-1798.
79 Ibid., vol. 27, 12-1-1783.
CHAPTER 9
1 WGW, vol. 5, 7-9-1776.
2 Ibid., vol. 1, 11-15-1754.
3 Ibid., vol. 12-28-1776, Writing to Brig. Gen. William Maxwell, Washington said, “I have the pleasure to inform you of the success of an enterprize, which took effect the 26th. Instant at Trenton; On the night of the preceding day, I cross’d the Delaware with a detachment of the Army under my Command, amounting to about 2400; the difficulties arising in the passage of the River, prevented my arriving at the Town so soon as I expected, by which means the attack did not commence till eight O’Clock; when our Troops pressed forward with so much Ardor, and Spirit, as never to suffer them to form completely, about Seven hundred of the enemy ran away in the begining of the action; the rest amounting to 1000 including 31 Officers, after making a feeble opposition, laid down their Arms and Surrendered themselves prisoners of War. We have taken about one thousand stand of Arms, four Standards and Six pieces of brass Artillery, with some other Stores. I have issued some orders to day for the encouragement of the Troops, whose terms are near expiring, which I shall be glad you will immediately communicate to them, in your Orders.”
4 Washington’s record of this amazing journey was published by Gov. Dinwiddie, and, the story can be found in Fitzpatrick, The Diaries of George Washington, vol. I. pp. 43ff.
5 Writing to a friend named Robin, in 1754 or 1755, Washington speaks of spending his time very pleasantly in the company of a young lady who was living at the house of one of his friends. He goes on to explain, “as that only added fuel to the fire, it makes me the more uneasy where my often and unavoidably being in company with her revives my former passion for your lowland beauty, whereas was I to live more retired from young women, I might in some measure alleviate my sorrows by burying that chaste and former passion in the grave of oblivion and eternal forgetfulness.” In WGW, vol. I., p. 16. George Washington’s “Lowland Beauty” may have been Lucy Grymes, who later became Mrs. Henry Lee. See Clarence Macartney, “George Washington: A Bi-Centennial Sermon” (Pittsburgh: First Presbyterian Church, 1932), p. 5.
6 Macartney, George Washington, p. 7.
7 Jackson and Twohig, The Diaries of George Washington. vol. 1. Expedition to the Ohio 31 March—27 June 1754. pp. 169-170. “In 1756 a pamphlet, Reasons Humbly Offered, to Prove That the Letter Printed at the End of the French Memorial of Justification, Is a French Forgery, and Falsely Ascribed to His R—l H—s, was published in London, challenging the authenticity of the letter on the basis of its content. See also Monthly Review, (1756), 302—4.) GW expressed reservations concerning the accuracy of the MEMOIR in a letter used by Jared Sparks in his edition of GW’s writings: In regard to the journal, I can only observe in general, that I kept no regular one during that expedition; rough minutes of occurrences I certainly took, and find them as certainly and strangely metamorphosed; some parts left out, which I remember were entered, and many things added that never were thought of; the names of men and things egregiously miscalled; and the whole of what I saw Englished is very incorrect and nonsensical; yet, I will not pretend to say that the little body, who brought it to me, has not made a literal translation, and a good one. Short as my time is, I cannot help remarking on Villiers’ account of the battle of, and transactions at, the Meadows, as it is very extraordinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the French received the first fire. It is well known, that we received it at six hundred paces’ distance. He also says, our fears obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account? He acknowledges, that we sustained the attack warmly from ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vainglory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English; but, whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and mortification, we found it otherwise in a literal translation.” This is found in a letter to George Washington’s brother, dated July 18, 1755, in Sparks, The Writings of George Washington, vol. II, p. 89.
8 WGW, vol. 2, 9-20-1765. Washington wrote to Mrs. Washington’s uncle in England, “The Stamp Act Imposed on the Colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain engrosses the conversation of the Speculative part of the Colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of Taxation as a direful attack upon their Liberties, and loudly exclaim against the Violation; what may be the result of this and some other (I think I may add) ill judgd Measures, I will not undertake to determine; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accrueing to the Mother Country will fall greatly short of the expectations of the Ministry; for certain it is, our whole Substance does already in a manner flow to Great Britain and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our Importation’s must be hurtful to their Manufacturers. And the Eyes of our People, already beginning to open, will perceive, that many Luxuries which we lavish our substance to Great Britain for, can well be dispensd with whilst the necessaries of Life are (mostly) to be had within ourselves. This consequently will introduce frugality, and be a necessary stimulation to Industry. If Great Britain therefore Loads her Manufactures with heavy Taxes, will it not facilitate these Measures? they will not compel us I think to give our Money for their exports, whether we will or no, and certain I am none of their Traders will part from them without a valuable consideration. Where then is the Utility of these Restrictions? As to the Stamp Act, taken in a single view, one, and the first bad consequences attending it I take to be this. Our Courts of Judicature must inevitably be shut up; for it is impossible (or next of kin to it) under our present Circumstances that the Act of Parliam’t can be complyd with were we ever so willing to enforce the execution; for not to say, which alone woud be sufficient, that we have not Money to pay the Stamps, there are many other Cogent Reasons to prevent it; and if a stop be put to our judicial proceedings I fancy the Merchants of G. Britain trading to the Colonies will not be among the last to wish for a Repeal of it.” When it was repealed, Washington openly expressed his approval. WGW, vol. 2, 7-21-1766, “The Repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatsoever causes owing, ought much to be rejoiced at, for had the Parliament of Great Britain resolvd upon enforcing it the consequences I conceive woud have been more direful than is generally apprehended both to the Mother Country and her Colonies. All therefore who were Instrumental in procuring the Repeal are entitled to the Thanks of every British Subject and have mine cordially.”
9 Washington seems to never have written the phrase, “taxation without representation.” However, he does show his deep concern for American liberty in his involvement with the Virginia non importation plan. See for example, WGW, vol. 2, 4-5-1769. Writing to George Mason (author of the Virginia non-importation resolutions of 1769, the Fairfax resolutions of 1774, and the Virginia bill of rights, 1776), he says, “At a time when our lordly Masters in Great Britain will be satisfied with nothing less than the deprecation of American freedom, it seems highly necessary that some thing shou’d be done to avert the stroke and maintain the liberty which we have derived from our Ancestors; but the manner of doing it to answer the purpose effectually is the point in question. That no man shou’d scruple, or hesitate a moment to use a[r]ms in defence of so valuable a blessing, on which all the good and evil of life depends; is clearly my opinion; yet A[r]ms I wou’d beg leave to add, should be the last resource; the denier resort. Addresses to the Throne, and remonstrances to parliament, we have already, it is said, proved the inefficacy of; how far then their attention to our rights and priviledges is to be awakened or alarmed by starving their Trade and manufactures, remains to be tryed. The northern Colonies, it appears, are endeavouring to adopt this scheme. In my opinion it is a good one, and must be attended with salutary effects, provided it can be carried pretty generally into execution; but how far it is practicable to do so, I will not take upon me to determine. That there will be difficulties attending the execution of it every where, from clashing interests, and selfish designing men (ever attentive to their own gain, and watchful of every turn that can assist their lucrative views, in preference to any other consideration) cannot be denied; but in the Tobacco Colonies where the Trade is so diffused, and in a manner wholly conducted by Factors for their principals at home, these difficulties are certainly enhanced, but I think not insurmountably increased, if the Gentlemen in their several Counties wou’d be at some pains to explain matters to the people, and stimulate them to a cordial agreement to purchase none but certain innumerated Articles out of any of the Stores after such a period, not import nor purchase any themselves. …Upon the whole therefore, I think the Scheme a good one, and that it ought to be tryed here.” WGW, note on this dates says, “The assembly in May was the first that met after the arrival of Lord Botetourt as governor. The burgesses agreed upon an address to the King, which Governor Botetourt disapproved and dissolved the assembly. The dismissed burgesses reassembled in the Apollo room of the Raleigh Tavern and drew up the Virginia Non-Importation Association. Washington was on the drafting committee and notes expenses, in his accounts, arising there from.”
10 WGW, vol. 37, 8-20-1770. Washington was most serious about supporting the Non-Importation Agreement: “You will perceive in looking over the several Invoices that some of the Goods there required, are upon condition that the Act of Parliament Imposing a Duty upon Tea, Paper &ca. for the purpose of raising a Revenue in America is totally repeald; and I beg the favour of you to be governd strictly thereby, as it will not be in my power to receive any Articles contrary to our Non-Importation Agreement, to which I have Subscribd, and shall religeously adhere to, if it was, as I coud wish it to be ten times as strict.”
11 Macartney, George Washington, p. 10.
12 David Humphreys’, Life of George Washington.
13 David Barton, The Bulletproof George (Texas: Wallbuilders Press, 2003) p. 35
14 In Humphreys, Washington explained, “The folly & consequence of opposing compact bodies to the sparse manner of Indian fighting in woods, which had in a manner been predicted, was now so clearly verified that from hence forward another mode obtained in all future operations.”
15 WGW, vol. 1: 7-18-1755, Washington wrote to Robert Dinwiddie, “We continued our March from Fort Cumberland to Frazier’s (which is within 7 Miles of Duquisne) with’t meet’g with any extraordinary event, hav’g only a stragler or two picked up by the French Indians. When we came to this place, we were attack’d (very unexpectedly I must own) by abt. 300 French and Ind’ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 1300 well arm’d Men, chiefly Regular’s, who were immediately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of order’s prevail’d amongst them: The Officer’s in gen’l behav’d with incomparable bravery, for which they greatly suffer’d, there being near 60 kill’d and wound’d. A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginian Companies behav’d like Men and died like Soldiers; for I believe out of the 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 30 were left alive: Captn. Peyrouny and all his Officer’s, down to a Corporal, were kill’d; Captn. Polson shar’d almost as hard a Fate, for only one of his Escap’d: In short the dastardly behaviour of the English Soldier’s expos’d all those who were inclin’d to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as Sheep before the Hounds, leav’g the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey to the Enemy; and when we endeavour’d to rally them in hopes of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success as if we had attempted to have stop’d the wild Bears of the Mountains. The Genl. was wounded behind in the shoulder, and into the Breast, of w’ch he died three days after; his two Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other brave Officers were kill’d in the Field. I luckily escap’d with’t a wound tho’ I had four Bullets through my Coat and two Horses shot under me. It is supposed that we left 300 or more dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded; and it is imagin’d (I believe with great justice too) that two thirds of both received their shott from our own cowardly English Soldier’s who gather’d themselves into a body contrary to orders 10 or 12 deep, wou’d then level, Fire and shoot down the Men before them. I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations unless there are proper measures taken for their security.”
16 WGW, vol. 1, 7-18-1755, writing to his brother, John Augustine Washington, he says, “Dear Jack: As I have heard since my arriv’l at this place, a circumstantial acct. of my death and dying speech, I take this early oppertunity of contradicting both, and of assuring you that I now exist and appear in the land of the living by the miraculous care of Providence, that protected me beyond all human expectation; I had 4 Bullets through my Coat, and two Horses shot under me, and yet escaped unhurt. We have been most scandalously beaten by a trifling body of men; but fatigue and want of time prevents me from giving any of the details till I have the happiness of seeing you at home; which I now most ardently wish for, since we are drove in thus far. A Weak and Feeble state of Health, obliges me to halt here for 2 or 3 days, to recover a little strength, that I may thereby be enabled to proceed homewards with more ease; You may expect to see me there on Saturday or Sunday Se’night, which is as soon as I can well be down as I shall take my Bulb skin Plantation’s in my way. Pray give my Compl’ts to all my F’ds. I am Dr. Jack, y’r most Affect. Broth’r.”
17 Barton, Bulletproof George, p.-37-38. David Barton points out that Washington was a specially marked target by the Indians: “The Indians had singled them out, and every mounted officer, except Washington, was slain before Braddock fell.” Bulletproof-38. Historian George Bancroft observed: “Of the British and Americans, one half were killed or wounded. General Braddock braved every danger. His secretary was shot dead; both his English aids were disabled early in the engagement, leaving the American [George Washington] alone to distribute his orders.” Bancroft IV 1854-p. 190Bancroft continued: “Who is Mr. Washington?” asked Lord Halifax a few months later. “I know nothing of him,” he added,” but that they say he behaved in Braddock’s action as bravely as if he really loved the whistling of bullets.” See also Aaron Bancroft, The Life of George Washington, Commander in Chief of the American Army, (Boston: Waster Street Bookstore, 1833), IV 1854 p. 190.
18 Ibid., vol. 1, 7-15-1755. Writing to Col. James Innes, Washington explains, “Sir: Captn. Orme being confined to his Litter and not well able to write, has desir’d me to acknowledge the receipt of your’s; He begs the favour of you to have the room that the Gen’l. lodg’d in prepar’d for Colo. Burton, himself, and Capt. Morris, who are all wounded; also, that some small place may be had where convenient for Cooking; and, that if any fresh Provn. and other suitable necessarys for persons in their infirm condition, may be had, that you will be kind enough to engage it. He also begs, that, you will order the present w’ch was sent by Governour Morris to the Genl. and his Family, into the care of Mr. A. le Roy, the Steward, who is sent on for that, and other purposes. The Horses, that carry the wounded Gent’n. in Litters are so much fatigued that we dread their performance, therefore, it is desir’d that you will be kind enough to send out 8 or 10 fresh horses for their relief, which will enable us to reach the Fort this Evening. I doubt not but you have had an acot. of the poor Genl.’s death by some of the affrighted Waggoners, who ran off without taking leave.” In Humphreys, Washington explained, “Happy was it for him, and the remains of the first division that they left such a quantity of valuable and enticing baggage on the field as to occasion a scramble and contention in the seizure & distribution of it among the enemy for had a pursuit taken place—-by passing the defile which we had avoided; and they had got into our Rear, the whole except a few woodsmen, would have fallen victims to the merciless savages. Of about 12 or 13 hundred which were in this action eight or 9 hundred were either killed or wounded, among whom a large proportion of brave and valuable Officers were included.”
19 Ibid., vol. 1, 7-18-1755. Washington several years later improved his copy of the letter by changing his first words to, “As I have heard, since my arrival at this place, a circumstantial account of my death and dying speech, I take this early opportunity of contradicting the first, and of assuring you, that I have not as yet composed the latter. But by the All-Powerful Dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation; for I had four bullets through my coat, and two horses shot under me, yet escaped unhurt, although death was leveling my companions on every side of me!”
20 Macartney, George Washington, p.1
21 The Reverend Samuel Davies, as a Presbyterian, was a non-Anglican dissenting clergyman in Hanover County, Virginia. He later became the President of the College of New Jersey, or Princeton. He preached a series of sermons, which were printed in Philadelphia and London, entitled Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier. He called for not only patriotic spirit and military courage in the difficulties of the struggle in the French and Indian War, but also a deep commitment to the Protestant faith over against the Roman Catholicism of the French. Reverend Davies’ remarkable words regarding Washington were nearly prophetic: “As a remarkable instance of this, I may point out to the public that heroic youth, Colonel Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a manner for some important service to his country.”
Religion and Patriotism the Constituents of a Good Soldier
A S E R M O N preached to Captain Overton’s Independent Company of Volunteers,
