Of Moderation of Anger
A Preparative against Afflictions
Of Submission, Prayer, and Thanksgiving
Of Prayer, and Thanksgiving, on Psalm 116:12
Meditations upon the Lord’s Prayer
A Paraphrase upon the Lord’s Prayer.
Sir Matthew Hale, Contemplations Moral and Divine (London: William Shrowsbery at the Bible in Duke-Lane, and John Leigh at Stationers-Hall, 1685)
67 Ibid., p. 94.
68 Stephen DeCatur, Private Affairs of George Washington From the Records and Accounts of Tobias Leer, Esquire, His Secretary (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1933), p. 90.
CHAPTER 8
1 WGW, vol. 28, 8-18-1786.
2 Paul M. Zall, Washington on Washington (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2003), pp. 9-23.
3 Saul K. Padover, ed. The Washington Papers, (Harper Brothers, 1955)
4 Benson Lossing, Mary and Martha, p. 304
5 William Johnson, George Washington the Christian (Arlington Heights: Christian Liberty Press, 1919), p. 247.
6 Ibid., p. 247.
7 WGW, vol. 29, 3-26-1788.
8 Jackson and Twohig, ed, The Diaries of George Washington, vol. 5 [July 1788] The Diary entry for Tuesday July 29, 1788, says, “A Mr. Vender Kemp—a Dutch Gentn. who had suffered by the troubles in Holland and who was introduced to me by the Marquis de la Fayette came here to Dinner.” The note provided therein says, “Francis Adrian Van der Kemp (1752-1829), Dutch soldier, scholar, and Mennonite minister, had been imprisoned in his homeland during a part of the previous year for revolutionary activities connected with the Patriot party, a group of Dutch liberals who wished to implement the republican ideals of the American Revolution in their country. Upon being freed in December, Van der Kemp found himself much reduced in fortune and faced with further political repression in the Netherlands. For some time he had thought of going to America to become a farmer, and in Mar. 1788 he sailed with his wife and children for New York. To ease his way, Dutch friends obtained for him several letters of introduction to prominent Americans, including a letter from Lafayette to GW (6 Mar. 1788, PEL). Soon after his arrival in New York on 4 May, Van der Kemp dispatched the letters to their intended recipients (Van der Kemp to GW, 15 May 1788, DLC:GW). GW’s reply of 28 May contained a cordial invitation to visit Mount Vernon when convenient, an invitation that Van der Kemp could not decline, having a great desire “to know that man, to whom America so much was indebted for her liberty. Van der Kemp became an American citizen in 1789 and lived the remainder of his life in upstate New York farming and pursuing his scholarly interests.
9 WGW, vol. 35, 7-15-1796 has the following quote from an extract of Benjamin H. Latrobe’s diary, July 16, 1796, describing his visit to Mount Vernon: “The President came to me. He was dressed in a plain blue coat, his hair dressed and powdered. There was a reserve, but no hauteur, in his manner.… Washington has something uncommonly commanding and majestic in his walk, his address his figure and his countenance, His face is characterised by more intense and powerful thought than by quick and fiery conception. There is a mildness about his expression and an air of reserve in his manner covers its tone still more. He is about 64 but appears some years younger, and has sufficient apparent signs to his many years. He was sometimes entirely silent for many minutes, during which time an awkwardness seemed to prevail in every one present. His answers were sometimes short and approached to moroseness. He did not, at anytime, speak with any remarkable fluency. Perhaps the extreme correctness of his language which almost seemed studied produced this effect. He appeared to enjoy a humorous observation and made several himself. He laughed heartily some times and in a very good humored manner. On the morning of my departure he treated me as if I had lived years in his house with ease and attention. But in general I thought there was a slight air of moroseness about him as if something had vexed him.” The original of this extract by J. H. B. Latrobe was made for President Hayes in November, 1878, and is now in the Hayes Memorial Library, Fremont, Ohio.
10 The Journal of William Maclay: United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789-1791 (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1927), p. 364. Maclay’s unflattering comments from his 1791 journal states, “I have now, however, seen him for the last time, perhaps. Let me take a review of him as he really is. In stature about six feet, with an unexceptionable make, but lax appearance. His frame would seem to want filling up. His motions rather slow than lively, though he showed no signs of having suffered by gout or rheumatism. His complexion pale, nay, almost cadaverous. His voice hallow and indistinct, owing, as I believe, to artificial teeth before his upper jaw, which occasioned a flatness of—[The following leaf, on which the rest of this description was written, has been torn out and is lost.]”
11 Custis, Recollections, p. 175. This incident adds a fair amount of incredibility to Gouverneur Morris’ claim that he knew Washington well, and so was able to declare that Washington was not a believer. Paul Boller, George Washington and Religion, p. 85, writes, “‘I know,’ Jefferson had written, in concluding his entry, ‘that Gouverneur Morris, who pretended to be in his secrets & believed himself to be so, has often told me that Genl. Washington believed no more of that system than he himself did.” Washington did write to the French later recommending the virtues of Morris to the French. See two letters written on the same date, one to Marquis de Chastellux and the other to Joseph Mandrillon, WGW, vol. 30, 11-27-1788.
12 Jackson and Twohig, ed, The Diaries of George Washington. vol. 4. The diary entry for Thursday May 26, 1785, says, “Upon my return Found Mr. Magowan, and a Doctr. Coke & a Mr. Asbury here—-the two last Methodest Preachers recommended by Genl. Roberdeau—-the same who were expected yesterday… After Dinner Mr. Coke & Mr. Asbury went away.” The note provided therein says, “Thomas Coke (1747—1814) and Francis Asbury (1745—1816) were sent to America by John Wesley as missionaries to superintend the Methodist movement in this country. Asbury came shortly before the Revolution and Coke in 1784. They were at Mount Vernon to ask GW to sign an antislavery petition which was to be presented to the Virginia legislature. Coke later wrote that GW informed them that “he was of our sentiments, and had signified his thoughts on the subject to most of the great men of the State: that he did not see it proper to sign the petition, but if the Assembly took it into consideration, would signify his sentiments to the Assembly by a letter”
13 Elmer T. Clark, ed., The Journal and Letters of Francis Asbury in 3 Volumes (Nashville: Abingdon Press 1958) vol. 1, p. 489.
14. Journals of Dr. Thomas Coke (London, G. Paramore 1793.)
15 Just about four years later on May 29, 1789, in New York, Bishops Thomas Coke and Francis Asbury wrote a letter on behalf of the Methodist-Episcopal church. Their letter of congratulations to the new president expressed “the warm feelings of [their] hearts” but also thanked Washington for his dependence upon God. George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799: Series 2 Letterbooks, image 41, image 42. Coke and Asbury wrote as the Methodist Episcopal Bishops to George Washington on May 29, 1789, “We have received the most grateful satisfaction, from the humble and entire dependence on the Great Governor of the universe which you have repeatedly expressed, acknowledging him the source of every blessing, and particularly of the most excellent constitution of these states, which is at present the admiration of the world, and may in future become its great exemplar for imitation: and hence we enjoy a holy expectation that you will always prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine, vital religion—the grand end of our creation and present probationary existence. And we promise you our fervent prayers to the throne of grace, that God Almighty may endue you with all the graces and gifts of his Holy Spirit, that may enable you to fill up your important station to his glory, the good of his church, the happiness and prosperity of the United States, and the welfare of mankind.” This letter makes it clear that Coke had not ceased praying for Washington for the gift of the “witness of the Spirit.” Washington responded on the same day with his written answer, and his words imply that he was not only pleased with their prayer but promised to reciprocate: “…I hope, by the assistance of the Divine Providence, not altogether to disappoint the confidence which you have been pleased to repose in me. It always affords me satisfaction when I find a concurrence of sentiment and practice between all conscientious men, in acknowledgments of homage to the great Governor of the universe, and in professions of support to a just civil government. After mentioning that I trust the people of every denomination who demean themselves as good citizens will have occasion to be convinced that I shall always strive to prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine vital religion, I must assure you, in particular, that I take in the kindest part the promise you make of presenting your prayers to the throne of grace for me; and that I likewise implore the Divine benediction on yourselves and your religious community.” It seems that Coke and Washington had made a true spiritual connection after all. When Washington died in 1799, Francis Asbury wrote in his journal, “Washington, the calm, intrepid chief, the disinterested friend, first father, and temporal saviour of his country, under divine protection and direction.. . . the expressions of sorrow. . . the marks of respect paid by his fellow-citizens to this great man. I am disposed to lose sight of all but Washington. Matchless man! At all times he acknowledged the providence of God, and never was he ashamed of his Redeemer. We believe he died not fearing death. . . .”
16 Paul M. Zall, Washington on Washington (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2003), p. 12.
17 WGW, vol. 3 6-16-1775.
18 Honor was so important to Washington that he chose not to receive any pay for his services to our country during the war. After the war, he reminded his fellow Virginian, Patrick Henry, of his continuing commitment to this practice in a letter in 1785: “When I was first called to the station, with which I was honored during the late conflict for our liberties . . . I thought it my duty to . . . shut my hand against every pecuniary recompense. To this resolution I have invariably adhered, and from it, if I had the inclination, I do not feel at liberty now to depart.” WGW, vol. 28, 10-29-1785. Instead of pecuniary compensation, Washington sought the approval of his country through his humble service: “The approbation of my country is what I wish; and, as far as my abilities and opportunities will permit, I hope I shall endeavor to deserve it. It is the highest reward to a feeing mind; and happy are they, who so conduct themselves as to merit it.” WGW, vol. 11, 3-28-1778.
19 WGW, vol. 2, 7-20-1758 states, “A granddaughter of Mrs. Washington is authority for the statement that Martha Washington, shortly before her death, destroyed the letters that passed between George Washington and herself.” Washington refers to Providence in the only two known letters from Washington to his wife Martha that have survived. Emphasis is added to the relevant lines. The first letter is WGW, vol. 3, 6-18-1775. Washington wrote, “My Dearest: I am now set down to write to you on a subject, which fills me with inexpressible concern, and this concern is greatly aggravated and increased, when I reflect upon the uneasiness I know it will give you. It has been determined in Congress, that the whole army raised for the defence of the American cause shall be put under my care, and that it is necessary for me to proceed immediately to Boston to take upon me the command of it. You may believe me, my dear Patsy, when I assure you, in the most solemn manner that, so far from seeking this appointment, I have used every endeavor in my power to avoid it, not only from my unwillingness to part with you and the family, but from a consciousness of its being a trust too great for my capacity, and that I should enjoy more real happiness in one month with you at home, than I have the most distant prospect of finding abroad, if my stay were to be seven times seven years. But as it has been a kind of destiny, that has thrown me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertaking it is designed to answer some good purpose. You might, and I suppose did perceive, from the tenor of my letters, that I was apprehensive I could not avoid this appointment, as I did not pretend to intimate when I should return. That was the case. It was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment, without exposing my character to such censures, as would have reflected dishonor upon myself, and given pain to my friends. This, I am sure, could not, and ought not, to be pleasing to you, and must have lessened me considerably in my own esteem. I shall rely, therefore, confidently on that Providence, which has heretofore preserved and been bountiful to me, not doubting but that I shall return safe to you in the fall. I shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign; my unhappiness will flow from the uneasiness I know you will feel from being left alone. I therefore beg, that you will summon your whole fortitude, and pass your time as agreeably as possible. Nothing will give me so much sincere satisfaction as to hear this, and to hear it from your own pen. My earnest and ardent desire is, that you would pursue any plan that is most likely to produce content, and a tolerable degree of tranquility; as it must add greatly to my uneasy feelings to hear, that you are dissatisfied or complaining at what I really could not avoid. As life is always uncertain, and common prudence dictates to every man the necessity of settling his temporal concerns, while it is in his power, and while the mind is calm and undisturbed, I have, since I came to this place (for I had not time to do it before I left home) got Colonel Pendleton to draft a will for me, by the directions I gave him, which will I now enclose. The provision made for you in case of my death will, I hope, be agreeable. I shall add nothing more, as I have several letters to write, but to desire that you will remember me to your friends, and to assure you that I am, with the most unfeigned regard, my dear Patsy, your affectionate, &c.” The second letter is WGW, vol. 2, 7-20-1758. Washington wrote to Martha, “We have begun our march for the Ohio. A courier is starting for Williamsburg, and I embrace the opportunity to send a few words to one whose life is now inseparable from mine. Since that happy hour when we made our pledges to each other, my thoughts have been continually going to you as another Self. That an all-powerful Providence may keep us both in safety is the prayer of your ever faithful and affectionate friend.”
20 WGW, vol. 6. 12-20-1776.
21 Ibid., vol. 3, 6-20-1775.
22 Zall, Washington on Washington, p. 10.
23 Ibid., p. 10.
24 Ibid., p. 16, James Hutton, ed., Letters and Correspondence of Sir James Bland Burges (London: John Murray, 1855).
25 WGW, vol. 37 1-27-1799.
26 Ibid., vol. 26, 1-15-1783.
27 Ibid., vol. 2, 4-5-1758.
28 Sparks, Writings of George Washington, vol. 12, p. 405-408.
29 WGW, vol. 17, 12-15-1779.
30 Ibid., vol. 37, 1-15-1799.
