Lake Toba
0654 Hours; Zone Time; November 16, 2008
“We have positively identified elements of the 9th Infantry brigade, the Polici Mobile Brigade and the 1st Armored Cavalry on Java.” Ketalaman’s Chief of Staff was being hesitant with his words. “And the Government garrison at Palembang has been re-enforced by an as yet
unidentified airborne unit.”
Ketalaman did not answer. The silence in the cavern command post stretched out
to a dangerous degree, forcing a staffer to blurt out, “The only way Kediri could produce these reinforcements would be if he’s abandoning Irian Jaya altogether.”
“That’s easy enough to ascertain,” Ketalaman replied, his voice low. “What are we hearing from our sources in Jayapura?”
“As before, sir. The garrisons are being airlifted out by the Regional
Intervention Force and the transmigrasi are being brought in from the outlying
villages to the major population centers. No official statement has been issued
by the island administration yet but the unofficial word is to prepare for an
evacuation.”
“And the Morning Star Separatists? How are they reacting?”
“They’re not reacting at all, Admiral. Separatist military operations have come to a
complete halt. Again, there’s been no official notification of a cease fire – but it’s obvious that one is in effect.”
Ketalaman nodded. “Kediri and the Americans are sacrificing New Guinea to save the remainder of
Indonesia. And I suspect I know the intermediary who made this accommodation
with the Morning Stars possible.”
Again, silence settled in the command center. General Tiamatu, the Islamic
Militia Group commander, broke it this time. “What’s our air force doing about this troop airlift? Can’t it be cut off? The planes shot down?”
“Not without bringing the damn Americans and Australians down on us,” the air force liaison replied. “The majority of the transport aircraft involved belong to them. Beyond that, the
air convoys are being escorted by Australian Air Force fighters and the flight
routes are being covered by American Aegis guided-missile cruisers. Any attempt
at an intercept would simply lead to the annihilation of what air assets we
still possess.”
“What about bombing the government airfields on Java then? That would be
something, at least.”
“We’re doing the best we can with what we have!” the aviation commander snapped back. “Kindly recall that the Air Force’s best strike group, the F-16 squadron, did not side with us. The enemy has the
air superiority.”
“Enough!” Ketalaman barked, reining in his subordinates. “As long as we don’t directly involve the Americans or the Australians, neither side in this
conflict will have the air assets to decisively affect the outcome of this
conflict. This war will be won or lost on the ground in Java. What’s the current situation there?”
“The fronts appear to be stabilizing, sir,” the Chief of Staff replied. “We’ve secured the Jakarta area and, barring one or two pockets of resistance, we
hold all of the power centers in the western third of the island, from Cerebon
on. The government forces still hold the eastern two-thirds. Certain regional
military commanders in eastern Java whose support we had counted on apparently
had a change of heart when Kediri survived.”
“They’ll sway back in our direction soon enough if we can regain the initiative.” Ketalaman’s finger dropped to the map of the archipelago, sweeping from one end of Java to
the other. “It’s elementary. We are here. They are there. Sumatra is secondary. We can hold
what we have and claim the rest with ease if the Kediri government falls. The
battle of Java will decide this war and the side that develops the superiority
and attacks first will win that battle. What is the status of our force build
up?”
“We’re doing the best we can, sir,” the Chief of Staff murmured.
“That sounds like the start of an excuse, Captain,” Ketalaman snapped. “Our enemies are having to redeploy across two thousand kilometers of ocean. We
only have to move them across a twenty-kilometer strait. Why are they
succeeding while we are not?”
“We’re having great difficulty in coordinating shipping for troop and equipment
transport. Many coastal vessels have left the ports we control. Other craft
have been sabotaged, some of them we believe by their own crews. Some captains
have even accepted munitions cargos from us, only to deliver them to the
government forces.”
“Conscript the vessels and their crews and place guards aboard them,” Ketalaman responded.
“We are doing so, Admiral, but we’re also being interdicted. Our ships and ferries are being attacked in transit
and the harbors under our control are being mined. Even transport aircraft have
been shot down.”
“And the cause? Who’s behind it?”
“Some of it’s being done by government patrol forces. Other acts have been done by naval
guerillas.”
“The Bugi?”
“Yes, sir. So it appears.”
“And could there be any involvement by the Regional Intervention Force?”
The Chief of Staff hesitated. “There appears to be no overt involvement, sir. They’ve completed the evacuation of the foreign nationals and all of their ships have
withdrawn to the waters off southern Java. Beyond their support operations to
the troop airlift and their logistical aid to the Kediri government, there has
been no active involvement in the war since the Embassy incident in Jakarta.”
“You prevaricate, Captain.” Ketalaman said.
“Some of our Intelligence analysts feel that there are certain … sophisticated aspects to this interdiction campaign that are beyond the
capabilities of either the Bugi or the Kediri government.”
“But American naval or air units are not directly operating against us? There are
none of their ships in the Karimata Straits or the Java Sea?”
“No, sir.”
“Undoubtedly the Americans are providing advisors and Intelligence to Kediri – but, as long as their combat units are not involved, we’ll cope.” Ketalaman tapped the map at the Northern tip of Sumatra. “The classic and most successful methodology to break a naval interdiction
campaign is the convoy. Our naval strength is massed here at Banda Aceh fleet
base – our large ships, our amphibious and mine warfare forces and most of the heavy
merchant vessels we have under our direct control. They will load the 4th Infantry brigade and its supporting elements, the best of our Militia Cadres and
enough stores to provide for a major offensive operation. We’ll run them through to Jakarta in a single convoy, massive enough to brush aside
any pirate interdiction. We can utilize these troops to launch our finishing
offensive before Kediri is ready to launch his.”
“The 4th constitutes our entire strategic reserve,” the Chief of Staff murmured uneasily.
“Kediri is sending in his Old Guard. We must counter with our Grenadiers. If
Kediri wishes to block us, then he must counter with his remaining naval forces
– and we have the decisive advantage in sea power. Either way, he will be
crushed. Gentlemen, I want this troop movement ready to launch within
forty-eight hours. No excuses will be accepted.” Ketalaman began to turn away from the map table, but then turned back. “General,” he said, addressing his Air Force commander. “There’s something else. Do you recall that special targeting template I had you
prepare when we were negotiating with Harconan?”
“Yes, sir,” the airman replied uneasily.
“Put it into effect immediately. Maximum effort. Maximum sortie rate.”
The Air Force general – who was a political animal, but also a human being –grasped for a straw. “Admiral, that would be a critical diversion of our limited resources away from
far more vital military objectives.”
“General.” Ketalaman’s voice was soft, almost gentle. “Start hitting the Bugi population centers now and keep on hitting them until you’re ordered to do otherwise. Someone must be reminded that I keep my promises.”
Over the Northern Coast of Madura Island
1523 Hours; Zone Time, November 18, 2008