“Very well,” Ketalaman continued. “In twenty-four hours, we will reassess the situation. In the meantime, commence
the planning and preparations for the seizure of the Jakarta embassy. If it is
required, then it shall be done. We have come too far to turn back now.”
This time, the acknowledging murmur was somewhat more hesitant and thoughtful.
As the mountains, Ketalaman. Let not a hint of your own fears and reservations escape.
“Now, to other matters. What of the Harconan strike?”
“The aircraft has launched and should be arriving over its target shortly,” his aide reported, pleased to be able to report a positive event. “All is going according to plan.”
“Excellent.”
Tonight, Makara Harconan must become an ally, a prisoner or a dead enemy. It would be best if he could be made an ally, albeit an unwilling one. With the pirate chief’s assets gathered into the fold, he, Ketalaman, would be in a far better position, even given the Kediri setback.
But, as with Kediri, there was no certainty. They had Harconan’s headquarters targeted, but there was no guarantee that he would be present. There had to be a backup plan in place to cover that eventuality.
“Captain Menjual.”
“Yes, Admiral?”
“I have orders for the 1st Surface Battle Squadron. Have them take immediate departure from their forward
holding station and proceed with all speed to the waters off Southern Sulawesi.
I will have further orders for them later.”
The White House
Washington D.C
0122 Hours; Zone Time, October 29, 2008
“Here’s the situation as it currently stands, sir,” Van Linden said. “President Kediri, his Foreign Minister, Assistant Defense Minister and several
senior members of the Peoples Conservative Assembly have reached our embassy in
Jakarta and have been granted sanctuary by Ambassador Goodyard. Fighting
between pro and anti-government factions of the Indonesian military is
continuing within the city and is spreading rapidly throughout Java and
Sumatra. Several Indonesian radio and television are announcing the overthrow
of the Kediri government and the formation of a new ‘Government of National Unification’ under an Admiral Ketalaman of the Indonesian navy.”
“What’s the status of the embassy itself?” President Childress inquired. Clad in slacks, sports shirt and cardigan sweater, he looked rumpled from a hasty dressing. He sat with his elbows braced on his desk blotter, his fingers interlaced.
“They are not under fire at the moment – but the embassy compound is surrounded by Ketalaman’s troops. They want Kediri and his people, but they don’t quite want a shooting confrontation with the United States over it. At least
not yet.”
Van Linden was in a suit and tie, but his clothing showed the signs of more than a day of continuous wear. He sat deep in his chair, his shoulders slumped with exhaustion. A White House butler appeared, bearing a sliver tray with a coffee service and a small plate of pastry. Childress silently indicated the corner of the desk closest to his Secretary of State.
Van Linden allowed a cup to be poured for him and he accepted it, black. “Thank you, sir.” Then he said, “We suspect we may have inadvertently triggered Ketalaman’s coup prematurely. He wasn’t quite ready to make his move yet. This might just give us some options.”
“Just who is Ketalaman and what does his move entail?”
Van Linden frowned and took another sip of steaming coffee. “That’s a problem. Nobody seems to know a great deal about who Ketalaman really is. We’re dealing with something of a Martin Bormann here, a secretive individual, very
astute at collecting power without drawing attention to himself. We do know
that he’s a senior naval officer – but he’s from outside the usual maritime communities of the Indonesian archipelago. He’s a Sumatran from Aceh province, traditionally the seat of conservative Islam in
Indonesia.”
“So he’s a Muslim extremist then?” the President asked.
“No, sir, we don’t think so. He even comes from a Christian family. We do believe, however, that
we are dealing with a consummate opportunist. We suspect Ketalaman can talk a
good game of radical Islam but that he considers the radicalists simply as a
useful addition to his power base. He’s using them as a way to achieve his own ends, just as he’s also using his military position and the Harconan revolt. ”
“And those ends are?”
“We believe to seize the two primary Indonesian islands of Java and Sumatra. At
least that’s what his current mission intent seems to be. He’s smart enough to recognize that he can’t secure all of the islands in one gulp, but with a Javanese-Sumatran power base
under his control, he will eventually be in a position to move outward to
absorb the rest of the archipelago.”
“In other words, yet another tin pot military dictator involved in a power grab.”
Van Linden drained his cup and wondered briefly how much coffee he’d consumed that day. “Essentially – but an intelligent, patient, tin pot dictator. Ketalaman must have been quietly
putting the infrastructure for this coup in place over a period of many years,
never instigating but always preparing, waiting for some large-scale crisis
that would give him his chance. Harconan’s assault on the Indonesian central government played directly into his hands.”
President Childress nodded and steepled his fingers. “Your Martin Bormann comparison is very apt: the quiet, patient powerful man who
obtains power by swaying with circumstance.”
The Secretary of State set the cup back on the tray. “When I saw the Harconan scenario developing, I was afraid there might be someone
like Ketalaman waiting in the background.”
“Sometimes it’s hell to be proven right,” Childress grunted. “What are our options?”
“We’ve had a couple of lucky breaks so far. Ketalaman’s move on President Kediri was advantageously timed for us, and Kediri and his people did make it to our embassy before they could be taken into custody. Thus there’s still a valid Indonesian government and there are still pro-government forces in the field engaging the rebels. Ketalaman has not yet secured his power base.
“But the pro-government elements need leadership and the Indonesian government itself needs to prove that it still exists and that it is valid, both to its own people and to the world community.
“Here’s our point of decision, Mr. President. Do we grant President Kediri and his
people not merely refuge, but access to the communications they need to
co-ordinate action against Ketalaman’s forces? In effect, do we allow the Indonesian government to operate from our
embassy compound?”
“The related question is how Ketalaman will react to our allowing Kediri to operate from our embassy,” the President countered.
“A very good question indeed, sir. Ketalaman has already issued a demand that
Kediri and his people be turned over to him – and there were certain thinly veiled threats involved. I suspect, if we allow
Kediri and his people to operate, Ketalaman will order an attack on the embassy
to take them out. The man has pitched his penny and has absolutely nothing to
lose.”
As he and as so many occupants of this office had done before, Childress brooded over his thoughts, balancing the words he must speak next.
“We’ve known from the beginning that the standing Indonesian government had its
decided flaws, but it also had the promise of growing into something better. I
can’t see that promise in an expansionist military dictatorship willing to cuddle up
with radical Islam. We’ll stand with Kediri.”
Van Linden nodded. “We’re going to have to get Kediri and our people out then. Their current position
is untenable. That’s going to mean an escalation of involvement, Mr. President. We must assume that
Ketalaman will not allow Kediri to simply waltz out of Jakarta. It will be an
extraction under fire. Nor do I think we can wait very long before taking
action, because Ketalaman won’t wait. He will want to finish Kediri off, even if it means invading our embassy
compound.”
“I don’t think we have worry about excessive Congressional debate in this matter,” Childress replied. “No one is eager to see a new version of the Iranian hostage crisis. Will the
Regional Intervention Force be able to handle the extraction mission?”
“No, sir. The RIF is fully committed at this time. Beyond that, should an overt military force move toward Jakarta, it could trigger Ketalaman’s attack. However, Joint Special Operations Command has covert elements in the area that are deploying at this time …”
