In October 1924, the painter and his son stunned their American associates by suddenly resurfacing in New York and announcing that from then on the Bolsheviks should be treated as comrades. Roerich also revealed he was planning to take a land concession in the Altai in southern Siberia, oi cially for mining and agricultural purposes, but actually he planned to set up the capital of his Sacred Union of the East in this area. Krestinsky was not Roerich’s only Bolshevik contact. On the way to New York, he had stopped in Paris where he met Leonid Krasin, a Bolshevik ambassador to France, and discussed with him the Altaian concession. Back in the United States, the painter got in touch with Dr.

Dmitri Borodin, a plant physiologist and rather shady character whom the painter and his friends nicknamed Uncle Boris. At er the Bolshevik revolution, Borodin moved to the United States, where he represented the Soviet Commissariat for Agriculture. A few years later he became an immigrant, working i rst as a zoology instructor at Columbia University and then as a researcher in a biology laboratory in Cold Spring Harbor, New York. A well-rounded but very unscrupulous individual, Borodin served as Roerich’s Bolshevik liaison, helping the painter stay in touch with Soviet diplomats in Montreal, Paris, Berlin, and Moscow.

Uncle Boris not only assisted Roerich in securing the concession in Altai; he also became involved in his Great Plan.

It appears that through Borodin, Roerich tried to probe how the Bolsheviks would react to his scheme to blend Tibetan Buddhism with 183

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Communism and to the whole idea of the Sacred Union of the East.

An entry from the diary of Roerich’s secretary on December 7, 1924, is very revealing:

Borodin told N. K [Roerich] that now the most important thing for them is the unii cation of Asia. As for the business [the concession] they have been recently discussing, it is a secondary matter. N. K. asks him if he is aware that the unii cation of Asia can be accomplished through religion.

Borodin responded that he knows. Does he realize that this unii cation can be accomplished by using the name of Buddha? Borodin agreed. Will those in Paris [Soviet diplomats] agree with this? Borodin responded that they are not stupid and understand everything. So both men came to a complete agreement, which made this day very important. 5

Why did Borodin, a plant physiologist, suddenly become so concerned about this geopolitical scheme? It is highly likely that he worked either for Comintern or for OGPU, or for both, as Comintern was rapidly turning into an informal arm of OGPU. As a representative of the Soviet Commissariat for Agriculture, an ideal cover for any spy, Borodin traveled widely over the United States and Canada. h rough him, Roerich’s name might have showed up on Comintern and OGPU radars. It is little wonder that during Roerich’s 1926 visit to Moscow OGPU was most supportive of the painter’s Tibetan expedition. h e Roeriches did

not care who Uncle Boris was and what he actually did for a living. h e most important thing was that Borodin was useful for the Great Plan.

In one of her letters, Helena instructed her son Svetoslav: “Be nice and decent in front of Uncle Boris. It is important to make a good impression on him. Do not forget that all rich people like to spy on their associates, and our Uncle especially excels in this.” 6

h e Bolsheviks’ interest in the Roeriches’ venture could have been twofold. First, the painter was useful as a source of information on Tibet and surrounding areas. Second, his Shambhala scheme contained a promising opportunity. If successful, it could give Red Russia a chance 184

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to navigate political developments in the Forbidden Kingdom according to the Mongolian scenario. Although Chicherin cautioned against reckless behavior in Asia that could provoke England to seize Tibet, by supporting Roerich’s expedition, the chief Soviet diplomat and his more adventurous associates from Comintern and OGPU had nothing to lose. h e Roeriches’ party was going to travel as a scientii c expedition under the American l ag and the Buddhist sacred banner (tanka), a handy, cheap, and safe option for the Bolsheviks to penetrate the area without exposing themselves.

At er all, with a total lack of the industrial working class (which Bolsheviks considered the chief mover and shaker of the Marxist prophecy) in Tibetan Buddhist areas, anything and anybody that could wake up Asian masses for revolution sounded attractive, whether this be lamas’ antiforeign sentiments or prophecies like Shambhala. In any case, for the Bolsheviks the Roerich’s Sacred Union of the East was a political git , which, if they played their cards right, could draw Tibet closer to Red Russia. If the Roeriches got involved in an international scandal or any other trouble, they could be safely cast aside as an American expedition.

In the early 1920s, still dizzy from their success in Mongolia, the Bolsheviks were ready to roll on to Tibet and farther southward to India. Yet they were not yet fully aware that Tibet was not Mongolia. h e Forbidden Kingdom was not occupied by a foreign power to give Red Russia an excuse to go there and milk national liberation sentiments.

Rumors about the British threat to Tibet that the Bolsheviks lived by turned out to be false. Unlike his Mongolian neighbors, the Dalai Lama had no intention of appealing to Red Russia for help, preferring to play of one great power against another and keeping all of them at bay. Precisely because of this smart strategy, Tibet managed to survive as an independent nation from 1912 to 1951, before it was overrun by Communist China.

Gradually the Bolsheviks began to realize that it would be hard to sway the Forbidden Kingdom to Red Russia’s side. Under these 185

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circumstances, the Roeriches’ plan to bring the Panchen Lama back to Tibet and to stir the Shambhala war might have looked appealing to the them. In any case, Red Russia wanted to see the Panchen Lama back in Tibet and away from Mongolia. h e man was hanging around with two hundred armed nomads along the southern border of Red Mongolia, performing collective Kalachakra initiations for local Mongols and inducting them into the ranks of Shambhala warriors. It was hard to predict what would come out of that.

h e Bolsheviks became worried when the Mongols began looking at the Panchen Lama as their new shepherd at er they lost Bogdo-gegen in 1924; the reincarnated head of the Mongol Buddhists died from old age and numerous ailments, and the Bolsheviks forbade searching for his new reincarnation. Anytime, even against his will, the Panchen Lama could become a dangerous spiritual weapon in the hands of anti-Bolshevik forces; this became especially true in the second half of the 1920s at er Red Mongols began cracking down on religion. h ough the abbot of the Tashilumpho monastery was not a die-hard anti-Communist, he did allow himself anti-Bolshevik statements, rebuking the Reds for harassing top lamas. At the same time, always cautious, the abbot refused to join or even support any active resistance to the Bolsheviks. In fact, the Soviet secret police never considered him an enemy, believing there was a good chance to draw the spiritual leader of Tibet to Moscow’s side at least as a temporary ally. 7 But still the Bolsheviks were wary of his presence among the Mongols and felt they could sleep better with the Panchen Lama back in Tibet.

No doubt Roerich treated his Bolshevik contacts in the same prag-matic manner as useful and disposable allies. Although, like many contemporary intellectuals, Roerich was captivated by then-popular ideas of collectivism and social evolution and had a strong leader-redeemer complex, it is highly unlikely that he was totally in love with Soviet Communism. h e l irt with the Bolsheviks appeared to be a smokescreen to accomplish his occult goals of building his own totalitarian theocracy. At er all, from his otherworldly abode, Master Morya, Helena 186

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and Nicholas’s alter ego, explicitly encouraged a healthy opportunistic approach to the Bolsheviks: “One can grow wonderful nuts by putting one’s own seed into an alien shell,” and, “Talk about Lenin and Marx without mentioning drawbacks of Marx. I guarantee your success, but you have to be patient.” 8 h e Roeriches rendered these commands of the master into instructions for their associates: “Talking about legends and prophecies, one needs to draw more attention to practical life, stressing how good life will be in the New Country under cooperatives. We need to point out that Buddha built communist commonwealth, and Christ propagated communist order. Moreover, it will be useful if we recognize that Lenin is the most important Communist.” 9

To Inner Asia with a Detour to Moscow Roerich was so impatient to embark on his Sacred Union of the East project that he could not even wait for his Soviet visa. In the summer of 1925, the painter was already back in Darjeeling, ready to make a leap into the heart of Asia. Master Morya was equally excited, hurrying the Roeriches to move and shake the whole area: h e teacher believes the invasion of Tibet is useful. h e l ow of events

will af ect religion, and you will succeed by responding to religious complaints. h erefore, do not waste your time; note all signs related to religious feelings. Each sign is valuable. Find out to what extent monks are now discontent. Learn how many people do not accept the new order [a reference to army and police reforms in Tibet assisted by the English].

Alien uniform disgraces holy places. A strike will thunder over the desert. Udraia [George Roerich] should think about wearing a lama robe.

Only the robe will defeat the uniform. h e new times require a new shell.

A correct route will lead to a bloodless victory. It is not our plan to shoot from cannons. One good sure shot at Buddha might make up for an entire battle. Behold, the sons of Israel will come back to those who wait for M [Maitreya] and turn the holy dream into a reality.

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h e otherworldly teacher encouraged the Roeriches to stir Tibetan monks against the power of the Dalai Lama: “Mold is growing in Lhasa, and an old lama who is sitting by an altar is thinking about galloping to the north.” 10

At er travelling by automobile and rail from Darjeeling to Srinigar in Kasmir, the Roeriches’ expedition set out in August 1925. It looked more like a religious procession than a scientii c-archeological enterprise. Passing through Ladakh and then into western China, the party engaged local people in talks about Shambhala and Maitreya, dropping here and there hints about the coming Armageddon followed by a new age. h e Buddhist robes that Nicholas and George donned from time to time enhanced the importance of the mission in the eyes of locals. h e elder Roerich presented himself as a sage named Ak-Dorje—the same name he used in his reports to Soviet diplomats in Berlin. Helena became the messenger of the goddess White Tara, and George was acting as the Mongolian prince Narukhan.

Ak-Dorje distributed dozens of l yers written in Tibetan to the lamas they met en route. Some of these texts included only the phrase “Maitreya is coming,” while others contained a more elaborate text: h

us the prophecies of ancestors and the wise ones come true. Behold what is predestined when in the i t h year [1925] the messengers of northern Shambhala warriors appear. Meet them and accept the new glory of Tibet and Mongolia. I will give h ee my sign of lightning. May all remember: where one receives Tara’s blessing, there will be the ray of Maitreya, where one hears the name of Ak-Dorje, there will be a wheel of justice, and where the name of Narukhan appears, there will be the sword of Buddha. Shambhala will show the galloping horse and give arrows to all loyal sons of Buddhism. Behold and wait. 11

A batch of these l yers was sent to the Tashilumpho monastery to be distributed among the Panchen Lama’s followers. h e purpose of all this showmanship was obvious: the painter and his wife wanted to arouse 188

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rumors among the indigenous folk about their party being messengers of the great northern Shambhala and the coming age of Maitreya. In other words, the Roeriches were spreading propaganda in an attempt to stir a religious war in Inner Asia. And sure enough, word began to spread about a strange and mighty prophet.

In April 1925, the expedition reached the capital of Sinkiang: Urum-chi. Here Roerich met and befriended Alexander Bystrov, the local Soviet consul general. h e painter immediately coni ded to him that he had ambitious plans to merge Buddhism and Communism. Roerich also informed Bystrov that from China he would be going straight to Moscow to meet Stalin and Chicherin and hand them two important messages on behalf of thousands of Hindus and Buddhists. On the evening of April 16, 1926, at er meeting Nicholas and Helena, the consul wrote in his journal:

Today Roerich along with his wife and son visited me and mentioned many interesting details of their journeys. h ey say they study Buddhism and are in touch with mahatmas, from whom they ot en receive guidelines about their future plans. By the way, they stated they are carrying letters from these mahatmas to Comrades Chicherin and Stalin. h ey say the goal of these mahatmas is the unii cation of Buddhism and Communism and the creation of the Great Eastern Union of Republics. h e Roeriches told me that Tibetans and Hindu Buddhists share a popular prophecy that their liberation from foreign yoke will come from Russia, from the Reds (Red Northern Shambhala). h e Roeriches carry to Moscow several of these prophecies. According to the Roeriches, their trips to India, Tibet, and Western China are the fuli llment of an assignment given by the mahatmas, who supposedly also instructed them to go to the USSR and then to Mongolia, where they should get in touch with Panchen Lama (Dalai Lama’s assistant responsible for spiritual life who escaped from Tibet to China) and bring him to Mongolia. From Mongolia the Roeriches plan to organize a spiritual march to Tibet to free it from the English yoke. 12

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With the assistance of Bystrov and the OGPU secret police agents, the Roerich expedition safely crossed the Soviet-Chinese border, bypassing customs. In the Siberian town of Omsk the party was placed on a train. h e painter wrote in his diary: “A train arrives at midnight.

An OGPU agent passes by and with his eyes lets me know that everything is in order. We are passing under the Sign of the Rose [in other words, secretly].” 13 On June 10, 1926, the Roeriches were in Moscow, where they met Chicherin, Meer Trilisser, head of the foreign espionage branch of the OGPU secret police, and several other Soviet dignitaries. h e most promising meeting was the reception at OGPU.

Sina Fosdick, Roerich’s secretary who prepared this event, was happy to record in her diary: “h e most memorable meeting was in GPU, where the names of Maitreya and Shambhala were pronounced and where we came with the name of the Master. h e of ers of cooperation were met with enthusiasm. Several times we met with those who have all power.” 14

h e adventurous couple also presented their Moscow hosts “mahatmas’ messages” calling for advancement of Communism into Asia and beyond. Manufactured by Helena and Nicholas and translated into Tibetan by George to make them look authentic, then “translated” into Russian for the Bolshevik leaders, these letters were infested with sugarcoated l attery: “In the Himalayas we know about your deeds. You demolished churches that became dens of lies and superstition. You destroyed mercantilism that became the conduit of prejudices. You eliminated the outdated prison of education and marriage based on hy-pocrisy. You squashed the spiders of enrichment and closed the doors of night brothels. You relieved the earth from the traitors and money-makers. You recognized that religion is the teaching about the matter.

You recognized the ephemeral nature of private property and saw the evolution toward the future world commune.” 15

Without beating around the bush, Roerich laid out for the Bolshevik leaders his program to secure the alliance between Communism and Tibetan Buddhism:

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