raised in Hanover County, Virginia, Au- gust 17, 1755.
By Samuel Davis, A. M. Minister of the Gospel there.
P H I L A D E L P H I A
Printed by J A M E S C H A T T I N. 1755.
RELIGION AND PATRIOTISM the CONSTITUENTS
of a good S O L D I E R.
A S E R M O N
2 Sam. 10. 12. Be of good Courage, and let us play the Men, for our People, and for the Cities of our God: And the Lord do that which him good An Hundred Years of Peace and Liberty in such a World as this, is a very unusual Thing; and yet our Country has been the happy Spot that has been distinguished with such a long Series of Blessings, with little or no Interruption. Our Situation in the Middle of the British Colonies, and our Separation from the French, those eternal Enemies of Liberty and Britons, on the one Side by the vast Atlantic, and on the other by a long Ridge of Mountains, and a wide, extended Wilderness, have for many Years been a Barrier to us; and while other Nations have been involved in War, we have not been alarmed with the Sound of the Trumpet, nor seen Garments rolled in Blood.
But now the Scene is changed: Now we begin to experience in our Turn the Fate of the Nations of the Earth. Our Territories are invaded by the Power and Perfidy of France; our Frontiers ravaged by merciless Savages, and our Fellow-Subjects there murdered with all the horrid Arts of Indian and Popish Torture. Our General unfortunately brave, is fallen, an Army of 1300 choice Men routed, our fine Train of Artillery taken, and all this (Oh mortifying Thought!) all this by 4 or 500 dastardly, insidious Barbarians.
These Calamities have not come upon us without Warnings. We were long ago apprized of the ambitious Schemes of our Enemies, and their Motions to carry them into Execution: And had we taken timely Measures, they might have been crushed, before they could arrive at such a formidable Height. But how have we generally behaved in such a critical Time; Alas! Our country has been funk in a deep Sleep: A stupid Security has unmanned the Inhabitants: They could not realize a Danger at the Distance of 2 or 300 Miles: They would not be persuaded, that even French Papists could seriously design us an Injury: And hence little or nothing has been done for the Defence of our Country in Time, except by the Compulsion of Authority. And now, when the Cloud thickens over our Heads, and alarms every thoughtful Mind with its near Approach, Multitudes, I am afraid, are still dissolved in careless Security, or enervated with an effeminate, cowardly Spirit. When the melancholy News first reached us concerning the Fate of our Army, then we saw how natural it is for the Presumptuous to fall into the opposite Extreme of unmanly Despondence and Consternation; and how little Men could do in such a Pannic for their own Defence. We have also suffered our poor Fellow-Subjects in the Frontier Counties to fall a helpless Prey to Blood-thirsty Savages, without affording them proper Assistance, which as Members of the same Body Politic, they had a Right to expect. They might as well have continued in a State of Nature, as be united in Society, if in such an Article of extreme Danger, they are left to shift for themselves. The bloody Barbarians have exercised on some of them the most unnatural and leisurely Tortures; and others they have butchered in their Beds, or in some unguarded Hour. Can human Nature bear the Horror of the Sight! See yonder! The hairy Scalps, clotted with Gore! The mangled Limbs! The ript-up Woman! The Heart and Bowels, still palpitating with Life, smoking on the Ground! See the Savages swilling their Blood, and imbibing a more outrageous Fury with the inhuman Draught! Sure these are not Men; they are not Beasts of Prey; they are something worse; they must be internal Furies in human Shape. And have we tamely looked on, and suffered them to exercise these hellish Barbarities upon our Fellow-Men, our Fellow-Subjects, our Brethren? Alas! With what Horror must we look upon ourselves, as being little better than Accessories to their Blood?
And shall these Ravages go on unchecked? Shall Virginia incur the Guilt and the everlasting Shame, of tamely exchanging her Liberty, her Religion, and her All, for arbitrary Gallic Power, and for Popish Slavery, Tyranny and Massacre? Alas! Are there none of her Children, that enjoyed all the Blessings of her Peace, that will espouse her Cause, and befriend her now in the Time of her Danger? Are Britons utterly degenerated by so short a Remove from their Mother-Country? Is the Spirit of Patriotism entirely extinguished among us? And must I give thee up for lost, O my Country, and all that is included in that important Word? Must I look upon these as a conquered, enslaved Province of France, and the Range of Indian Savages? My Heart breaks at the Thought and must ye, our unhappy Brethren in our Frontiers, must ye stand the single Barriers of a ravaged Country, unassisted,…? Alas! Must I draw these shocking Conclusions?
No; I am agreeably checked by the happy, encouraging Prospect now before me. Is it a pleasing Dream? Or do I really see a Number of brave Men, without the Compulsion of Authority, without the Prospect of Gain, voluntarily associated in a Company, to march over horrendous Rocks and Mountains, into an hideous Wilderness, to succour their helpless Fellow-Subjects, and guard their Country? Yes, Gentlemen, I see you here upon this Design; and were you all united to my Heart by the most endearing Ties of Nature, or Friendship, I could not wish to see you engaged in a nobler Cause; and whatever the Fondness of Passion might carry me to, I am sure my Judgment would never suffer me to persuade you to desert it. You all generously put your Lives in your Hands; and sundry of you have nobly disengaged yourselves from the strong and tender Ties that twine about the Heart of a Father, or a Husband, to confine you at home in glorious Ease, and sneaking Retirement from Danger, when your Country calls for your Assistance. While I have you before me, I have high Thoughts of a Virginian; and I entertain the pleasing Hope that my Country will yet emerge out of her Distress and flourish with her usual Blessings. I am gratefully sensible of the unmerited Honour you have done me, in making Choice of me to address you upon so singular and important an Occasion: And I am sure I bring with me a Heart ardent to serve you and my Country, though I am afraid my inability, and the Hurry of my Preparations, may give you Reason to repent your Choice. I cannot begin my Address to you with more proper Words than those of a great General, which I have read to you: Be of good Courage, and play the Man, for your People, and for the Cities of your God; and the Lord do what seemeth him good.
…Courage is an essential Character of a good Soldier:—Not a savage ferocious Violence:—Not a fool-hardy Insensibility of Danger, or headstrong Rashness to rush into it:—Not the Fury of enflamed Passions, broke loose from the Government of Reason: But calm, deliberate, rational Courage; a steady, judicious, thoughtful Fortitude; the Courage of a Man, and not of a Tiger….…As a remarkable Instance of this, I may point out to the Public that heroic Youth Col. Washington, whom I cannot but hope Providence has hitherto preserved in so signal a Manner, for some important Service to his Country.
22 Humphreys’ Life of George Washington “During this interval in one of his tours along the frontier posts —- he narrowly escaped, according to the account afterwards given by some of our People who were Prisoners with them, and eye witnesses at the time [illegible] falling by an Indian party who had waylaid (for another purpose) the communication along which with a small party of horse only he was passing —- The road in this place formed a curve and the prey they were in weight for being expected at the reverse part, the Captain of the party had gone across to observe the number & manner of their improvements etc in order that he might make his disposition accordingly leaving orders for the party not to take notice of any passengers the other way till he returned to them —- in the meantime in the opposite direction I passed & escaped almost certain destruction for the weather was raining and the few carbines unfit for use if we had escaped the first fire —- This happened near Fort Vass.”
23 The Diaries of George Washington 1748-1799 edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, vol. 1, 1748-1770, Published for The Mount Vernon Ladies’ Association of the Union (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company). See under the following dates:
September 1770
20, 1770—Set out for the Big Kanhawa with Dr. Craik, Captn. Crawford and others. Incampd abt. 14 Miles off.
28, 1770—Meeting with Kiashuta and other Indian Hunters we proceeded only 10 Miles to day.
October 1770
5th—Began a journey to the Ohio in Company with Doctr. Craik..[Kiashuta, an Indian who had accompanied Washington part of the way from Logs Town to Fort Le Boeuf in 1753]
Sunday 14, 1770—At Captn. Crawford’s all day. Went to see a Coal Mine not far from his house on the Banks of the River; the Coal seemed to be of the very best kind, burning freely and abundance of it.
Wednesday 17.—Doctr. Craik and myself with Captn. Crawford and others arrivd at Fort Pill,..The fort is built in the point between the River Alligany and Monongahela..
Thursday 18th—Dined in the Fort with Colo. Croghan…dined with Colo. Croghan the next day at his Seat abt. 4 miles up the Alligany.
Friday 19th—Recd. A Message from Colo. Croghan that the white Mingo and other Chiefs of the 6 Nations had something to say to me, and desiring that I would be at his House abt. 11(where they were to meet). I went up and receivd a Speech with a String of Wampum [ Wampum, the Indian ceremonial emblem, was a comparatively rare shell of some beauty, which was pierced, longitudinally, and strung upon deerskin thongs. These strings were woven into bands of belts, and the size of the belt was generally proportioned to what the Indians considered the significance of the occasion where it was used. The Indian method of sealing and recording treaties or councils, was by presenting a wampum belt. Wampum was, sometimes, used for personal adornment. As used in the councils, or treaty-making, the belts were presented to the opposite party, and in all future discussions of the subject these belts were produced when, in some curious way the sight of each belt recalled to the Indian speech-chronicler the speech made at the time that belt was presented. It is stated that this chronicler, who was styled ‘the Keeper of the Belts’ could repeat the speech almost verbatim, even though some years had elapsed since it had first been delivered. The Keeper of the Belts was usually an old Indian and kept in training under him a younger man, who was to take his place, and him he drilled in remembering the speeches, that the record of them might not be lost.] from the White Mingo to the following effect:
That I was a Person who some of them remember to have seen when I was sent on an Embassy to the French, and most of them had heard of; they were come to bid me welcome to this Country, and to desire that the People of Virginia would consider them as friends and Brothers linked together in one chair; that I wd. Inform the Governor, that it was their wish to live in peace and harmy. With the white People, and that tho their had been some unhappy differences between them and the People upon our Frontiers, it was all made up, and they hopd forgotten; and concluded with saying, that, their Brothers of Virginia did not come among them and Trade as the Inhabitants of the other Provences did; from whence they were afraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly an Eye as they coud wish.. (410-11)
Monday 22…Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town we receivd the disagreeable news of two Traders being killd at a Town calld the Grape Vine Town.
Tuesday 23….only one Person was killd… At the Mingo Town we found, and left, 60 odd Warriors of the six Nations going to the Cerhokee Country to proceed to war against the Cuttaba’s..
Wednesday 24th.…and enquire into the truth of the report concerning the Murder..
Thursday 25th.—About Seven Oclock Nicholson and the Indian returnd; they found nobody at the Town but tow old Indian Women (the Men being a Hunting) from these they learnt that the Trader was not killd, but drownd in attempting to Ford the Ohio…About half an hour after 7 we set out from our Incampment around which, and up the Creek is a body of fine Land. In our Passage down to this, we see innumerable quantities of Turkeys, and many Deer watering…
Friday 26th.…At the end of this reach we found one, Martin, and Lindsay two Traders; and from them learnt, that the Person drownd was one Philips attempting in Compa. With Rogers, another Indn. Trader, the Swim the River with their Horses at an improper place; Rogers himself narrowly escaping…
Sunday 28th...we found Kiashuta and his Hunting Party Incampd. Here we were under a necessity of paying our Compliments, As this person was one of the Six Nation Chiefs and the head of them upon this River. In the Person of Kiashuta I found an old acquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went with me to the French in 1753. He expressed a satisfaction in seeing me, and treated us with great kindness; giving us a Quarter of very fine Buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that Night with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible movd his Camp down the River about 3 Miles just below the Mouth of a Creek, the name of which I coud not learn (it not being large); at this place we all Incampd. After much Councelling the overnight, they all came to my fire the next Morning, with great formality; when Kiashuta rehearsing what had passd between me and the Sachems at Colo. Croghan’s, thankd me for saying that Peace and friendship was the wish of the People of Virginia (with them) and for recommending it to the Traders to deal with them upon a fair and equitable footing; and then again expressd their desire of having a Trade opend with Virginia, and that the Governor thereof might not only be made acquainted therewith, but of their friendly disposition towards the white People; this I promisd to do.
Monday 29th—The tedious ceremony which the Indians observe in their Councellings and speeches, detaind us till 9 Oclock… On this Creek many Buffaloes use [d to be] according to the Indians acct…
24 G.W. Parke Custis in his Recollections of Washington, p.300-305. Custis actually turned this story into a play entitled, “The Indian Prophecy” that was performed in several cities.
25 WGW, vol. 3, 6-18-1775. Bancroft IV 212
26 Bancroft, The Life of George Washington, IV 212.
27 Ibid., IV 212.
28 Ibid., IV 212.
29 WGW, vol. 1, April 22, 1756.
30 Ibid., vol. 21, 4-7-1781. Writing to Maj. Gen. William Heath, Washington confided: “Dear Sir: I have received and thank you for your information of this date. To guard against Assassination (which I neither expect, nor dread) is impossible; but I have not been without my apprehensions of the other attempt. Not from the enemy at New York, but the Tories and disaffected of this place; who might, in the Night, carry me off in my own Boat; and all be ignorant of it till the Morning. If the Water at Night is well guarded, I shall be under no apprehension of attempts of this kind.” WGW, vol. 21, 4-7-1781. Washington promptly wrote to Gov. William Livingston, “Dear Sir: Intelligence has been sent to me by a Gentleman living near the enemy’s lines and who has an opportunity of knowing what passes among them, that four parties had been sent out with orders to take or Assasinate Your Excellency, Governor Clinton, Me and a fourth person name not known. I cannot say that I am under apprehensions on account of the latter, but I have no doubt they would execute the former could they find an opportunity. I shall take such precautions on the occasion as appear to me necessary, and I have thought it proper to advise your Excellency of what has come to my knowledge that you may do the same. That they may fail of success if they have any such plan in contemplation is the earnest wish of, Dear Sir etc.” As a popular example of the very real fear of the possibility of Washington being assassinated, consider the legend, “The Poisoned Dish” in True Stories of the Days of Washington (New York: Phinney, Blakeman & Mason, 1861), p. 51-55. This is found in the footnotes of the chapter, “The Childhood of George Washington.”
31 Custis, Recollections, pp. 201-202.
32 WGW, vol. 6, 1-5-1777 note says: Sparks notes that in both the actions at Trenton and Princeton General Washington encouraged the troops by his presence in the most exposed situations. An officer who was in these engagements wrote from Morristown (January 7): “Our army love their General very much, but they have one thing against him, which is the little care he takes of himself in any action. His personal bravery, and the desire he has of animating his troops by example, make him fearless of danger. This occasions us much uneasiness. But Heaven, which has hitherto been his shield, I hope will still continue to guard so valuable a life.”
33 Bancroft mentions that the only reason Washington did not charge alone on his horse directly into the enemy lines at that moment was because someone reached out and grasped the reins of his horse. “Sept. 14, 1776— The American lines at this place were capable of defence, but the men posted in them, on the firing of the ships, without waiting for the attack of the enemy, abandoned them. As soon as the cannonading began, two brigades were detached from the main body to support the troops in the breast works, the fugitives communicated to them their panics, and General Washington, in riding to the scene of action, met his troops retreating in the utmost confusion, disregarding the efforts of their Generals to stop them. While the Commander in Chief was, with some effect, exerting himself to rally them, a very small body of the enemy appeared in sight, on which the men again broke, and a most dastardly route ensued. At this unfortunate moment, and only at this moment through his whole life, General Washington appears to have lost his fortitude. All the shameful and disastrous consequences of the defection of his army, rushed upon his mind, and bore down his spirits. In a paroxysm of despair, he turned his horse towards the enemy, seemingly with the intention to avoid the disgrace of the day by the sacrifice of his life: his aids seized the horse’s bridle, and with friendly violence, rescued him from the destruction that awaited him.” Aaron Bancroft, Life Of Washington (Boston: Water Street Bookstore, 1830, vol. I. p. 87. Ibid., vol.6, 9-16-1776 notes: Ford quotes a “Letter from New York,” Sept. 27, 1776, printed in the London Chronicle (Nov. 19, 1776): “I forgot to mention that Mr. Washington shortly after the landing on New York island, narrowly escaped being made prisoner. He left Mr. Apthorpe’s house, at Bloomingdale, a few minutes only before the British light infantry entered it.” Spark’s quotes a letter from General Greene (September 17): “Fellows’s and Parsons’s brigades ran away from about fifty men and left his Excellency on the ground within eighty yards of the Enemy, so vexed at the infamous conduct of the troops, that he sought death rather than life.” The Reverend William Gordon, whose history of the Revolution must always be read with recollection that the author’s enthusiasm for America had cooled before he published his work, recounts the episode as he is supposed to have gleaned it from first hand in the camp shortly after the retreat. Col. William Smallwood states that Washington caned and whipped the fleeing men, though he does not state with what. Howe reported to Germain (September 21) merely that the landing at Kips Bay was unexpected to the Americans and that the British cannonade was so severe that the descent was made without the least opposition. He made no mention of Washington. After making due allowance for the excited recollections on the American side, colored by the chagrin for the panic, the bald fact seems to be that Washington continued his efforts to check the retreat until the British were so close as to put him in grave jeopardy of death or capture.
34 Writing to his brother John Augustine Washington on July 4, 1778, he explained how victory was snatched from defeat at Monmouth. “Dear Brother: Your Letter of the 20th. Ulto. came to my hands last Night; before this will have reached you, the Acct. of the Battle of Monmouth probably will get to Virginia; which, from an unfortunate, and bad beginning, turned out a glorious and happy day. The Enemy evacuated Philadelphia on the 18th. Instt.; at ten oclock that day I got intelligence of it, and by two oclock, or soon after, had Six Brigades on their March for the Jerseys, and followed with the whole Army next Morning. On the 21st. we compleated our passage over the Delaware at Coryells ferry (abt. 33 Miles above Philadelphia) distant from Valley forge near 40 Miles. From this Ferry we moved down towards the Enemy, and on the 27th. got within Six Miles of them. General Lee having the command of the Van of the Army, consisting of fully 5000 chosen Men, was ordered to begin the Attack next Morning so soon as the enemy began their March, to be supported by me. But, strange to tell! when he came up with the enemy, a retreat commenced; whether by his order, or from other causes, is now the subject of inquiry, and consequently improper to be descanted on, as he is in arrest, and a Court Martial sitting for tryal of him. A Retreat however was the fact, be the causes as they may; and the disorder arising from it would have proved fatal to the Army had not that bountiful Providence which has never failed us in the hour of distress, enabled me to form a Regiment or two (of those that were retreating) in the face of the Enemy, and under their fire, by which means a stand was made long enough (the place through which the enemy were pursuing being narrow) to form the Troops that were advancing, upon an advantageous piece of Ground in the rear; hence our affairs took a favourable turn, and from being pursued, we drove the Enemy back, over the ground they had followed us, recovered the field of Battle, and possessed ourselves of their dead. but, as they retreated behind a Morass very difficult to pass, and had both Flanks secured with thick Woods, it was found impracticable with our Men fainting with fatigue, heat, and want of Water, to do any thing more that Night. In the Morning we expected to renew the Action, when behold the enemy had stole of as Silent as the Grave in the Night after having sent away their wounded. Getting a Nights March of us, and having but ten Miles to a strong post, it was judged inexpedient to follow them any further, but move towards the North River least they should have any design upon our posts there. We buried 245 of their dead on the field of Action; they buried several themselves, and many have been since found in the Woods, where, during the action they had drawn them to, and hid them. We have taken five Officers and upwards of One hundred Prisoners, but the amount of their wounded we have not learnt with any certainty; according to the common proportion of four or five to one, there should be at least a thousand or 1200. Without exagerating, their trip through the Jerseys in killed, Wounded, Prisoners, and deserters, has cost them at least 2000 Men and of their best Troops. We had 60 Men killed, 132 Wounded, and abt. 130 Missing, some of whom I suppose may yet come in. Among our Slain Officers is Majr. Dickenson, and Captn. Fauntleroy, two very valuable ones.”
35 Custis, Recollections, pp. 222-23
36 WGW, vol. 6, 12-10-1776. The context of the letter explains his dire circumstances as follows: “I wish to Heaven it was in my power to give you a more favorable account of our situation than it is. Our numbers, quite inadequate to the task of opposing that part of the army under the command of General Howe, being reduced by sickness desertion, and political deaths (on or before the first instant, and having no assistance from the militia), were obliged to retire before the enemy, who were perfectly well informed of our situation, till we came to this place, where I have no idea of being able to make a stand, as my numbers, till joined by the Philadelphia militia, did not exceed three thousand men fit for duty. Now we may be about five thousand to oppose Howe’s whole army, that part of it excepted which sailed under the command of Gen. Clinton. I tremble for Philadelphia. Nothing, in my opinion, but Gen. Lee’s speedy arrival, who has been long expected, though still at a distance (with about three thousand men), can save it. We have brought over and destroyed all the boats we could lay our hands on upon the Jersey shore for many miles above and below this place; but it is next to impossible to guard a shore for sixty miles, with less than half the enemy’s numbers; when by force or strategem they may suddenly attempt a passage in many different places. At present they are encamped or quartered along the other shore above and below us (rather this place, for we are obliged to keep a face towards them) for fifteen miles...When I say none but militia, I am to except the Virginia regiments and the shattered remains of Smallwood’s, which, by fatigue, want of clothes, &c., are reduced to nothing — Weedon’s, which was the strongest, not having more than between one hundred and thirty to one hundred and forty men fit for duty, the rest being in the hospitals. The unhappy policy of short enlistments and a dependence upon militia will, I fear, prove the downfall of our cause, though early pointed out with an almost prophetic spirit! Our cause has also received a severe blow in the captivity of Gen. Lee. Unhappy man! Taken by his own imprudence, going three or four miles from his own camp, and within twenty of the enemy, notice of which by a rascally Tory was given a party of light horse seized him in the morning after travelling all night, and carried him off in high triumph and with every mark of indignity, not even suffering him to get his hat or surtout coat. The troops that were under his command are not yet come up with us, though they, I think, may be expected to-morrow. A large part of the Jerseys have given every proof of disaffection that they can do, and this part of Pennsylvania are equally inimical. In short, your imagination can scarce extend to a situation more distressing than mine. Our only dependence now is upon the speedy enlistment of a new army. If this fails, I think the game will be pretty well up, as, from disaffection and want of spirit and fortitude, the inhabitants, instead of resistance, are offering submission....”
37 Ibid., vol. 6, 12-18-1776. Washington wrote, “Dear Brother: ...between you and me, I think our Affairs are in a very bad situation; not so much from the apprehension of Genl. Howe’s Army, as from the defection of New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania. In short, the Conduct of the Jerseys has been most Infamous. Instead of turning out to defend their Country and affording aid to our Army, they are making their submissions as fast as they can. If they the Jerseys had given us any support, we might have made a stand at Hackensack and after that at Brunswick, but the few Militia that were in Arms, disbanded themselves [or slunk off in such a manner upon the appearance of danger as to leave us quite unsupported and to make the best shifts we could without them] and left the poor remains of our Army to make the best we could of it. I have no doubt but that General Howe will still make an attempt upon Philadelphia this Winter. I see nothing to oppose him a fortnight hence, as the time of all the Troops, except those of Virginia (reduced almost to nothing,) and Smallwood’s Regiment of Maryland, (equally as bad) will expire in less than that time. In a word my dear Sir, if every nerve is not strain’d to recruit the New Army with all possible expedition, I think the game is pretty near up, owing, in a great measure, to the insidious Arts of the Enemy, and disaffection of the Colonies before mentioned, but principally to the accursed policy of short Inlistments, and placing too great a dependence on the Militia the Evil consequences of which were foretold 15 Months ago with a spirit almost Prophetick. Before this reaches you, you will no doubt have heard of the Captivity of Genl. Lee; this is an additional misfortune, and the more vexatious, as it was by his own folly and Imprudence (and without a view to answer any good) he was taken, going three Miles out of his own Camp [for the sake of a little better lodging] and with 20 of the Enemy to lodge, a rascally Tory rid in the Night to give notice of it to the Enemy who sent a party of light Horse that seized and carried him with every mark of triumph and indignity. You can form no Idea of the perplexity of my Situation. No Man, I believe, ever had a greater choice of difficulties and less means to extricate himself from them. However under a full persuasion of the justice of our Cause I cannot [but think the prospect will brighten, although for a wise purpose it is, at present hid under a cloud] entertain an Idea that it will finally sink tho’ it may remain for some time under a Cloud.”
38 Larkin Spivey is an American military historian and author. He is a decorated veteran of the Vietnam War and a retired Marine Corps officer. He commanded infantry and reconnaissance units in combat and was trained in parachute, submarine, and special forces operations. He was with the blockade force during the Cuban Missile Crisis and served in the White House during the Johnson and Nixon administrations. As a faculty member at The Citadel he taught college courses in U.S. military history, a subject of lifelong personal and professional interest. He conducted much of his research at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. These remarks were made by Spivey to co-author Jerry Newcombe, who interviewed Spivey for Coral Ridge Ministries-TV.
39 WGW, vol. 61-5-1777. Washington wrote to Maj. Gen. William Heath, “Sir: We have made a successful attack upon Princeton. Genl. Howe advanced upon Trenton, we evacuated the Town, and lay on the other side of the Mill Creek, until dark, then Stole a march and attacked Princeton about nine O’Clock in the Morning; There was three Regiments Quartered there, the killed, wounded, and taken prisoners amounts to about 500. The Enemy are in great consternation, and as the Panick affords us a favourable Opportunity to drive them out of the Jerseys, It has been determined in Council, that you should move down towards New York with a considerable force, as if you had a design upon the City. That being an Object of great importance, the Enemy will be reduced to the Necessity of withdrawing a considerable part of their force from the Jerseys, if not the whole, to secure the City. I shall draw the force on this side the North River together at Morristown, where I shall watch the motions of the Enemy and avail Myself of every favourable Circumstance.” Ibid., vol. 6, 1-5-1777. Washington wrote to Maj. Gen. Israel Putnam, “Dear General: Fortune has favoured us in an Attack on Princeton. Genl. Howe advanced upon Trenton which we Evacuated on the Evening of the Second of this instant, and drew up the Troops on the south side of the Mill Creek and continued in that position until dark, then Marched for Princeton which we reached next Morning by about nine O’Clock. There were three Regiments Quartered there, of British Troops, which we attack’d and routed. The number of the Killed Wounded and taken prisoners amounts to about 5 or 600. We lost Several Officers and about thirty privates. Genl. Mercer is badly Wounded, if not Mortally. After the Action we immediately marched for this place. I shall remove from hence to Morristown, there shall wait a few days and refresh the Troops, during which time, I shall keep a strict Watch upon the Enemy’s motions; They appear to be panick struck, and I am in some hopes of driving them out of the Jerseys. It is thought advisable for you to march the Troops under your Command to Crosswix, and keep a Strict watch upon the Enemy upon that Quarter. If the Enemy continue at Brunswick, you must act with great Circumspection lest you meet with a Surprize. As we have made two successful attacks upon the Enemy by way of Surprize, they will be pointed with resentment, and if there is any possibility of retaliating, will attempt it. You will give out your Strength to be twice as great as it is. Forward on all the Baggage and Scattered Troops belonging to this division of the Army as soon as may be. You will keep as many Spies out as you will see proper, a Number of Horsemen, in the dress of the Country, must be constantly kept going backwards and forwards for this purpose, and if you discover any Motion of the Enemy, which you can depend upon, and which you think of Consequence, Let me be informed thereof as soon as possible by Express.”
