33   James Thomas Flexner, The Indispensable Man, p. 216.

34   Lillback, Proclaim Liberty, p. 84-86; Sanford H. Cobb, The Rise of Religious Liberty in America (New York: Macmillan Co., 1902), p. 419.

35   This was, of course, in New York City. The U.S. Capitol wasn’t moved to Washington, D.C., until several years later. After the World Trade Center was destroyed on September 11, 2001, by Muslim extremists, Mayor Guiliani marveled to the world how St. Paul’s Cathedral, within the shadow of these towering giants, miraculously survived their destruction.

36   Soldier and Servant Series: Mrs. Alexander Hamilton Witness that George Washington Was A Communicant of the Church (Hartford: Church Missions Publishing Company, 1932).

37   PGW, 6:279-282.

38   Ibid., 5:299-301.

39   Ibid., 3:496-499.

40   Ibid., 2:179-181; PGW, 8:181-82.

41   Ibid., 3:92-93.

42   Ibid., 4:263-265.

43   Ibid., 2:420-422; PGW, 4:274-277.

44   Ibid., 4:198-199; PGW, 8:177-178.

45   Ibid., 3:466-467; PGW, 8:226-227.

46   Ibid., 2:411-412.

47   Ibid., 2:423-425.

48   Ibid., 4:265-269; PGW, 5:296-299.

49   Ibid., 6:287-288; PGW, 4:182-183.

50   Ibid., 6:223-225.

51   Ibid., 5:448-450; PGW, 6:284-286; PGW, 7:61-64.

52   Ibid., 12:40-41.

53   Ibid., 2:179-181.

54   Ibid., 2:411-412.

55   Ibid., 3:92.

56   See notes 2, 3, 4 above.

57   WGW, vol. 27, 6-11-1783. Responding to Reverend Rodgers proposal for Congress to present each soldier with a Bible, Washington wrote, “Dear Sir: I accept, with much pleasure your kind Congratulations on the happy Event of Peace, with the Establishment of our Liberties and Independence. Glorious indeed has been our Contest: glorious, if we consider the Prize for which we have contended, and glorious in its Issue; but in the midst of our Joys, I hope we shall not forget that, to divine Providence is to be ascribed the Glory and the Praise. Your proposition respecting Mr Aikins Bible would have been particularly noticed by me, had it been suggested in Season; but the late Resolution of Congress for discharging Part of the Army, takg off near two thirds of our Numbers, it is now too late to make the Attempt. It would have pleased me, if Congress should have made such an important present, to the brave fellows, who have done so much for the Security of their Country’s Rights and Establishment.”

58   PGW, 2:420-422.

59   Ibid., 2:420-421.

60   Ibid., 2:420-422, “While all men within our territo5ries are protected in worshipping eh Deity according to the dictates of their consciences; it is rationally to be expected from them in return. . . .”

61   WGW vol. 35, 7-6-1796. “In short, that I was no party man myself, and the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them.”

62   Ibid., vol. 35, 7-6-1796.

63   Ibid., vol. 2 8-2-1758.

64   Ibid., vol. 38, 4-23-1799.

65   Ibid., vol. 37, 12-25-1798.

66   Ibid., vol. 32, 8-26-1792, note. From Edmund Randolph to Washington, “Randolph’s long letter of this date is in the Washington Papers. In it he discusses the political situation of the United States and urges Washington to serve a second term. Among many important statements in that letter are these: “... we must gain time, for the purpose of attracting confidence in the government by an experience of its benefits, and that man alone, whose patronage secured the adoption of the constitution, can check the assaults, which it will sustain at the two next sessions of congress....Should a civil war arise, you cannot stay at home. And how much easier will it be, to disperse the factions, which are rushing to this catastrophe, than to subdue them, after they shall appear in arms? It is the fixed opinion of the world, that you surrender nothing incomplete. I am not unapprized of the many disagreeable sensations, which have laboured in your breast, But let them spring from any cause whatsoever, of one thing I am sure, (and I speak this from a satisfactory inquiry lately made) that if a second opportunity shall be given the people of showing their gratitude, they will not be less unanimous than before.”

67   Ibid., vol. 37, 7-21-1799. To Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, “My dear Sir: To you, and to your brother Colo. Jno Trumbull, I feel much indebted for the full, frank, and interesting communication of the political sentiments contained in both your letters.

The project of the latter is rash and under any circumstances would require very mature consideration; but in its extent, and an eye being had to the disorganizing Party in the United States, I am sure it would be impracticable in the present order of things.

Not being able to convey my ideas to you on this subject in more concise terms than I have already done to your brother in answer to the letter he informs you he has written to me I shall take the liberty of giving you an extract thereof, as follow.

For the Political information contained in it (that is his letter) I feel grateful, as I always shall for the free...and within the short period which you suppose may be allowed to accomplish it.

I come now, my dear Sir, to pay particular attention to that part of your Letter which respects myself.

I remember well the conversation which you allude to, and have not forgot the answer I gave you. In my judgment it applies with as much force now, as then ; nay more, because at that time the line between Parties was not so clearly drawn, and the views of the opposition, so clearly developed as they are at present; of course, allowing your observation (as it respects myself) to be founded, personal influence would be of no avail.

Let that party set up a broomstick and call it a true son of Liberty; a Democrat, or give it any other epithet that will suit their purpose, and it will command their votes in toto! as an analysis of this position, look to the pending Election of Governor in Pennsylvania. Will not the Federalists meet them or rather defend their cause, on the opposite ground? Surely they must, or they will discover a want of Policy, indicative of weakness, and pregnant of mischief which cannot be admitted. Wherein then would lye the difference between the present Gentleman in Office [John Adams], and myself?

It would be matter of sore regret to me if I could believe that a serious thot. was turned towards me as his successor; not only as it respects my ardent wishes to pass through the vale of life in retiremt., undisturbed in the remnant of the days I have to sojourn here, unless called upon to defend my Country (which every citizen is bound to do), but on Public ground also; for although I have abundant cause to be thankful for the good health with whh. I am blessed, yet I am not insensible to my declination in other respects. It would be criminal therefore in me, although it should be the wish of my Countrymen, and I could be elected, to accept an Office under this conviction, which another would discharge with more ability; and this too at a time when I am thoroughly convinced I should not draw a single vote from the Anti-federal side; and of course, should stand upon no stronger ground than any other Federal character well supported; and when I should become a mark for the shafts of envenomed malice, and the basest calumny to fire at; when I should be charged not only with irresolution, but with concealed ambition, which waits only an occasion to blaze out; and, in short, with dotage and imbecility.

All this I grant, ought to be like dust in the balance, when put in competion [ sic ] with a great public good, when the accomplishment of it is apparent. But as no problem is better defined in my mind than that principle, not men, is now, and will be, the object of contention; and that I could not obtain a solitary vote from that Party; that any other respectable Federal character would receive the same suffrages that I should; that at my time of life, (verging towards three score and ten) I should expose myself without rendering any essential service to my Country, or answering the end contemplated: Prudence on my part must arrest any attempt at the well meant, but mistaken views of my friends, to introduce me again into the chair of Government.

Lengthy as this letter is, I cannot conclude it without expressing an earnest wish that, some intimate and confidential friend of the Presidents would give him to understand that, his long absence from the Seat of Government in the present critical conjuncture, affords matter for severe animadversion by the friends of government; who speak of it with much disapprobation; while the other party chuckle at and set it down as a favourable omen for themselves. It has been suggested to me to make this Communication; but I have declined it, conceiving that it would be better received from a private character, more in the habits of social intercourse and friendship. With the most sincere friendship, and Affectionate regard, etc.

68   Ibid., vol. 10, 1-29-1778.

69   Ibid., vol.10, 12-18-1778.

70   Ibid., vol. 15, 5-18-1779.

71   Ibid., vol. 26, 4-30-1783.

72   Ibid., vol. 34, 4-17-1795. The note at this date of The Writings Of George Washington says:

“Addresses of disapprobation of Jay’s Treaty, urging that it be not ratified, poured in upon the President from cities, towns, and counties in nearly every State. The earliest being that from the Selectmen of Boston, dated July 13, and the last coming from the citizens of Lexington, Ky., in their meeting of September 8 (forwarded September 10). To most of these addresses the same answer was returned as that to the Boston Selectman, July 28. The text of the addresses, with the President’s answers, are entered in the “Letter Book” in the Washington Paper.”